Between 1830 and 1842, the United States coastwise slave trade raised several issues and provoked numerous debates in Congress. The purpose of this study is to determine the role of the coastwise slave trade and its effect upon attitudes toward slavery in Congress during this period. The primary sources used include official government documents, unpublished and published papers, correspondence, diaries, speeches, and memoirs. This study concludes that the issues raised by the coastwise slave trade crisis and debated in Congress between 1830 and 1842 contributed to the decline of southern dominance in national politics and provided abolitionists with a vital motivation of antislavery agitation in the United States Congress.

In the fall of 1864, Maryland became the first Border State to abolish slavery with the adoption of a new state constitution. In order to best understand the evolution of this event, the purpose of this study was to examine the civil-military relations of Maryland during the Civil War and how these relations affected the institution of slavery in the state. Therefore, the main argument is that the conflict between military and civil authorities in Maryland during the war revealed two points: first, that the federal government maintained a faithful vigilance over the state during the war and second, that the federal government exploited a fading slavery system to not only eliminate any possibility of Maryland entering the Confederacy, but also destroy any degree of Border State neutrality. / by Brian Thomas Dunne. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Submitted by Diego Andrade Bispo null (andradedgo@gmail.com) on 2016-12-15T00:24:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Diego Andrade Bispo.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-12-20T16:01:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 bispo_da_me_fran.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-20T16:01:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 bispo_da_me_fran.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No final do século XVIII, em Portugal e no Brasil, foi recorrente nos escritos de observadores coetâneos o interesse pela reorganização da agricultura e de diversos elementos a ela ligados. Além de argumentar sobre a utilidade de se revisar as práticas empregadas no âmbito do cultivo propriamente dito, os letrados setecentistas convencionaram advertir aos proprietários rurais sobre a premente necessidade de se melhorar o trato cotidiano e de bem conduzir o trabalho da escravaria em benefício de uma maior eficiência produtiva da colônia portuguesa da América. Anos mais tarde, em princípios do século XIX, outros analistas do regime de cativeiro, ao apresentarem uma leitura distinta sobre o emprego desta força de trabalho, passaram a considerá-la injusta, ofensiva aos valores da fé católica e danosa ao progresso material dos setores agrícola e industrial do país. Tendo em vista a variância dos posicionamentos assumidos por esses letrados coevos – egressos de universidades europeias, sócios de agremiações científicas e membros da burocracia governamental –, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo inquirir, por meio da análise de memórias, ensaios econômicos, missivas dentre outros textos, quais argumentos foram manejados para o estabelecimento de diferentes avaliações sobre a instituição da escravidão africana, tal como era praticada no Brasil no período compreendido entre 1781 – quando da concentração das falas reformistas sobre o governo dos cativos, falas essas mantidas até o início do oitocentos, quando o uso do trabalho compulsório começa a ser qualificado como contraproducente – e 1834 – momento em que a tópica do bom exercício da gestão escravista reassume uma posição privilegiada entre os assuntos abordados nos manuais agronômicos da época. / In the late eighteenth century, in Portugal and in Brazil, it was recurrent in many writings an interest on the reorganization of agriculture and the various elements connected to it. Besides the considerations on the cultivation itself, the eighteenth-century scholars begun to advert the farmers about the urgent need to improve the daily treatment of slaves, for the benefit and efficiency of a larger production in the Americas’ Portuguese colony. Years later, in the early nineteenth century, other analysts of the captivity regime started to present a different reading on the employment of the workforce, considering it as unfair, offensive to the values of the Catholic faith and harmful to the material progress of the country’s agricultural and industrial segments. Given the variance of the positions taken by these coeval scholars - graduated from European universities, scientific associations members and members of the government bureaucracy - this thesis aims to inquire, through the analysis of memories, economic trials, missives, among others texts, which arguments were managed to establish different reviews of the institution of African slavery. This work focuses on the period between 1781 and 1834: 1781, when the reformist speech on the government of the captives gets stronger, up to the early XVIIIth century, when the use of compulsory labour begins to be described as counterproductive; and 1834, a time when the topic of good practice of slave management reassumes a privileged position among the issues presented in agronomical manuals of the time.

Orientador: Sidney Chalhoub / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T10:01:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mata_IacyMaia_D.pdf: 3012704 bytes, checksum: ab8490eeb71d6cc0d687169cc656dda4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Entre 1864 e 1881, a jurisdição de Santiago de Cuba, situada na região oriental da ilha, foi palco de conspirações e insurreições antiescravistas e anticoloniais. Em 1867, foi descoberto um plano de sublevação envolvendo escravos e livres de cor com o objetivo de pôr fim à escravidão; nos anos seguintes, a região seria o cenário de duas guerras anticoloniais: a Guerra de Dez Anos (1868-1878) e a Guerra Pequena (1879-1880). Nos conflitos, houve grande mobilização de escravos e livres de cor e os insurretos lograram formar um Exército Libertador multirracial. Estas insurreições forçaram a Espanha a encaminhar a emancipação gradual da escravidão e foram marcadas pela emergência de líderes negros e mulatos que pautaram a luta contra o domínio colonial, a escravidão e as barreiras raciais. Em 1880-1881, após ser aprovado o Patronato (última lei de emancipação), as autoridades espanholas promoveram uma violenta repressão a uma suposta "conspiração da gente de cor" e a deportação de centenas de negros e mulatos para Fernando Pó, na Costa da Guiné. Através destes episódios, investigados a partir de uma vasta documentação, que inclui textos de viajantes, testamentos, censos, processos instaurados pela Comissão Militar, correspondências de autoridades coloniais e debates parlamentares, discuto como uma parte da população de cor passou a reivindicar a identidade racial. Para isto, analiso o complexo sistema de classificação racial em Cuba e as diversas clivagens internas à população de cor, as transformações no vocabulário político dos não brancos e a aproximação entre negros e mulatos para fins de mobilização política. Concluo argumentando que, entre 1864-1881, quando se fortaleceram as críticas à escravidão e foram aprovadas leis de emancipação gradual, houve o recrudescimento das linhas raciais em Santiago de Cuba, ao mesmo tempo em que, junto à formação da identidade nacional que se forjava nas lutas anticoloniais, negros e mulatos se unificavam reivindicando o pertencimento à "raça de cor" / Abstract: Between 1864 and 1881, the jurisdiction of Santiago de Cuba, located in the eastern region of the island was the scene of antislavery and anticolonial conspiracies and insurrections. In 1867, a plan was discovered for an uprising involving slaves and free people of color with the goal of putting an end to slavery; in the following years, the region would be the scene of two anticolonial wars: the Ten Years' War (1868-1878) and the Small War (1879-1880). In these conflicts, there was great mobilization of slaves and free people of color and the insurgents managed to form a multiracial Liberation Army. These insurrections forced Spain to move towards the gradual emancipation of slavery and were marked by the emergence of black and mulatto leaders who highlighted the struggle against colonial rule, slavery and racial barriers. In 1880-1881, after the approval of the Patronato (the last emancipation law), the Spanish authorities promoted a violent repression of an alleged "conspiracy of people of color" and the deportation of hundreds of blacks and mulattos to Fernando Po, on the Guinea Coast. Through these episodes, investigated from an extensive documentation, which includes texts of travelers, wills, censuses, military commission prosecutions, correspondence of colonial authorities and parliamentary debates, I discuss how a part of the population of people of color began to claim racial identity. To this, I discuss the complex system of racial classification in Cuba and the various internal divisions of the population of people of color, changes in the political vocabulary of nonwhites and rapprochement between blacks and mulattoes for purposes of political mobilization. I conclude by arguing that, between 1864-1881, when criticism of slavery was strengthened and laws of gradual emancipation were enacted, there was an upsurge in racial lines in Santiago de Cuba, at the same time that both the formation of the national identity was forged in the anti-colonial struggles and blacks and mulattos were unified affirming membership in the "colored race" / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutora em História

This work aims to understand human moral psychology under modern liberalism by analyzing the mature work of philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. I seek to understand and evaluate Nietzsche's claim that liberalism, rather than being an overturning of slave morality, is an extension of the slave morality present in both Judaism and Christianity. To ground Nietzsche's critique of liberalism theoretically, I begin by analyzing his "master" and "slave" concepts. With these concepts clarified, I then apply them to Nietzsche's history by following his path from Judaism to liberalism and beyond--to his "last man" and Übermensch. I find that Nietzsche views history as a series of overcomings wherein a given mode of power maintenance runs counter to the means by which power was initially attained. Liberalism, as the precursor and herald of the "last man," threatens the end of overcoming and therefore compromises the future of human valuation and meaning.

No description available.

My study explores the pervasive theme of physical binding in ancient Greece, utilizing visual, literary, and archaeological evidence to uncover its broader cultural and ideological implications. Traditionally, scholarship has scrutinized these sources to reconstruct historical practices such as incarceration, enslavement, and torture. Addressing the performative aspects inherent in the sources under investigation, I complicate this perspective by pairing iconographic analyses and close readings with an interdisciplinary approach informed by theories of affect, embodiment, and neuroaesthetics. This methodology facilitates the interpretation of spaces like the prison, the courtroom, the theater, and the symposium as interconnected cultural landscapes characterized by practices of torture and imprisonment, cursing rituals, bound figures on vases and statues, and theatrical performances featuring actors chained on stage. Within this framework, I argue that the image of the bound body transcends mere representation of societal practices: it actively shapes and crafts social hierarchies and identities. Specifically, male elite control over female and enslaved individuals emerges both as a dominant motif and a symptom of societal anxieties. Ultimately, this dissertation shows that in ancient Greece physical bondage was a real- life issue as much as it was a matter of representation, a cultural assemblage of chains, shackles, and wheels.

Early antebellum defenders of slavery acknowledged that slavery created problems for southern society. They contended, however, that slave society was better and more natural than other forms of social organization. Thomas R. Dew, William Harper, and James Henry Hammond each expressed a social philosophy in which slavery had a crucial role in preserving social order. They argued from the basis of social organicism, the idea that society should have an elite that controlled the masses. For all three men, slavery represented a system of order that helped balance the dangers of democracy. Significantly, however, all three men recognized that the slave system was not perfect, and despite their defense of slavery, argued that it was a human institution and therefore corruptible.

In Roman society, freed slaves were elevated to a citizen-like status, yet they never had the full rights of their free-born counterparts. Despite the inequality of the system, many freedmen appear to have found great success in the realm of business. This report endeavors to reveal why it was that this group prospered within the Roman economy using a pseudo-Darwinian perspective. Scholarship has, for the most part, tended to avoid Darwinian lines of thought in sociological studies but this report shows the power of this type of thinking. The first chapter clarifies the nature of slavery in the Roman world and the wide variety of experiences that slaves could have. Chapter two considers the different ways that slaves could be manumitted and how a freedman’s status could differ depending on the formality of his release from servitude. The third chapter examines the literary representations of freedmen in the genre of comedy and Petronius’ Satyricon. Chapter four turns to the archaeological evidence and provides a sense of how freedmen represented themselves to the wider community. Lastly, the fifth chapter, using a pseudo-Darwinian model, will show that the image of the successful freedman is not an anomaly of the archaeological record or a trope of Latin literature but an inevitable outcome of the intense selection that slaves underwent. / text

This thesis examines the symbolism of thirty-five slave songs that existed in the pre-Civil War South in the United States in order to gain a more profound insight into the values of the slaves. The songs chosen were representative of the 300 songs reviewed. The methodology used in the analysis was adapted from Ralph K. White's "Value Analysis: The Nature and Use of the Method." The slave songs provided the slaves with an opportunity to express their feelings on matters they deemed important, often by using Biblical symbols to "mask" the true meanings of their songs from whites. The major values of the slaves as found in their songs were independence, justice, determination, religion, hope, family love, and group unity.