The thesis is devoted to a special actor of international relations - the Holy See, Roman Catholic Church representation. It analyzes its behaviour mainly in the issue of recognition of the new state with the majority use of an official discourse of its diplomatic delegates. Specifically, Holy See's position towards criteria for recognition of the new state, which are recommended for state actors, is observed through its rhetoric. Similarities and differences with the state actor are also scrutinized through comparison with a typical behaviour of small states in foreign policy. Case study of the analysis focuses on the question of Palestine and its worldwide recognition as a state, as this topic has possessed a significant role in foreign policy for long time.

This thesis examines Albanian foreign policy from a small state point of view.The main argument is that Albania as a weak small state developed close relations with the regional and great powers and align with them in order to compensate its weakness. An historical analysis of the Albanian foreign policy line since its establishment portrays a continuity in this trend except the short isolationist period. The study has three main objectives, firstly, it aims to provide an analysis of the small state foreign policy and small state &ndash / great power asymmetric relations within the framework of Albania&rsquo / s relations with various regional and great powers. Secondly, to elaborate the relevance of the enduring weakness of Albania on its foreign policy making in particular with its relations and alliances with the great powers. In this sense, an analysis of the Albanian foreign policy shows a pattern of shifting alliances in different time periods and under different regimes as part of foreign policy line. Thirdly, to make the historical account of Albania&rsquo / s alliances and relations with the great powers in terms of continuity and change in its foreign policy line. Albania&rsquo / s post-Cold War era foreign policy indicates a continuity in this line as it approaches the US as the great power to align with as well as one of two main pillars of its foreign policy along with the Euro-Atlantic integration. In this context, the contemporary Albanian-US relations constitute the last phase of the Albanian foreign policy trend.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of small states in the context of the European Union. It principally focuses on strategies of small states which help them to pursue their national interests in the European Union. Austria has been chosen as a case for the practical purposes of this diploma thesis. The theoretical part introduces the concept of small state in general, characterizes this specific term in the structures of the European Union and points out to the weaknesses of small countries, which may reduce their foreign-policy activism. Subsequently, the text analyses the strategies of small states which are used for the promotion of national interests in the European Union, or more precisely in the Council of the European Union. A practical section of the thesis deals with Austrian foreign policy engagement in three key political issues of the Alpine republic. The analysis of the Austrian initiatives during the years 1995-2015 has identified the strategies which Austria used to pursue its national positions in the European Union.

L’Afrique est la région du monde, dans laquelle, existe le plus grand nombre de crises armées sanglantes. Depuis les indépendances, cette région n’a jamais véritablement connu de paix et de sécurité dans toutes ses entités régionales. Dans ce sombre tableau africain, l’Afrique centrale occupe une place peu enviable. Abandonnée à son triste sort à la fin de la Guerre Froide, des pays, tel que le Gabon, décidèrent de particulièrement orienter leur politique étrangère dans le but d’aider les États en crises, de son environnement immédiat, à recouvrir une certaine stabilité mais surtout dans une logique de sécurisation nationale. Petit pays d’Afrique centrale, le Gabon ressent les effets de l’instabilité régionale persistante. Cet engagement gabonais pour la paix n’est pas né avec son accession à la souveraineté. Il s’est construit au fil des années. Son action pour sa construction et sa sécurité nationale n’a jamais eu pour but de reproduire, exactement, le même modèle de stabilité qu’il connait mais, uniquement, d’arriver aux silences des armes. Il est évident que comme tout engagement politique, l’action r gabonaise présente certaines limites et l’État devrait prendre des mesures pour que l’objectif de sécurité nationale soit atteint sans ambages. Néanmoins, l’action de tel pays est importante car en priorisant le dialogue, ils fournissent un travail de fourmis qui arrive, tout de même, à mettre un terme aux effusions de sang et à leur tendance au débordement. / Africa is the region of the world, in which, exists the largest number of bloody armed crises. Since the independences, this region has never really known peace and security in all its regional entities. In this somber african board, Central Africa occupies an unenviable place. Abandoned in its sad fate at the end of the Cold War, countries, such as the Gabon, decided to direct particularly their foreign policy with the aim of helping states in crises, of its immediate environment, to cover a certain stability But especially in a logic of national reassurance. Small country of Central Africa, the Gabon feels the effects of the persistent regional instability. This Gabonese commitment for the peace was not born with its entry in the sovereignty. It built itself over the years. Its action for its building and national security has never aimed at reproducing exactly the same model of stability which it can but only arrive at the silence of weapons. It is obvious that as any political commitment, the gabonese regional action presents certain limits and the state should take measures aiming at a better international assertion. Nevertheless, the action of such country is important because by prioritizing the dialogue, they supply a painstaking job which manages, all the same, to put an end to the bloodsheds and to their tendency to the overflowing.

Over the years, there has been a lot of discussion about the audit expectations gap. Research on the expectations gap has focused exclusively on the audit aspect, with limited attention being given to the possibility of the existence of other elements that may in fact contribute to an even wider expectations gap. This study has focused on the financial statements expectations gap. Financial statements are the public face of an organisation. It is therefore crucial that users understand their objective, message, scope and limitations. This study explores and evaluates the existence of a financial statements expectations gap in a small state economy, namely Malta. The data for this study was collected from shareholders and auditors in Malta using a mixed methods approach with a sequential explanatory design through the use of a survey questionnaire and semi-structured interviews. The findings have shown that the financial statements expectations gap exists in various areas, some of which are fundamental to the understanding of financial statements. There is a clear lack of clarity, or confusion, about the objective of financial statements. This appears to be the result of the over-emphasis on decision-usefulness as an objective of financial statements, the imprecision of the word stewardship and the failure to communicate clearly the scope and limitations of financial statements. The study has shown that the attempts by standard setters to satisfy various user needs with the same set of financial statements were unsuccessful in Malta. Communicating financial information has been identified as the primary purpose of financial statements. However, the understandability of financial statements was negatively impacted primarily by the complexity of information, the frequent changes to standards, information overload and the use of technical jargon. The study has accordingly identified those factors that are considered to be conducive to the understandability of financial statements in Malta. Based on the research findings, the study has provided recommendations to the accountancy profession and policy makers on how to address the financial statements expectations gap. Potential areas for future research were also identified.

British accession to the European Union (EU) had far reaching economic, political and social consequences for New Zealand, forcing New Zealand to transform itself from a dependent subsidiary of Britain to acting as an independent small state for the first time. Although still in its infancy, the contemporary relationship New Zealand has formed with the EU is quite different to that it first established in the 1970s. It has increasing become more institutionalised, with a slowly developing structural framework that facilitates the narrow areas of cooperation. Dominated by the important economic relationship, the main challenges faced are of an economic nature. But the relationship also encompasses areas of political and social cooperation including people-to-people links, the environment, educational linkages, mutual support for multilateral institutions and development in the Pacific. As a small state, New Zealand is expected to display certain foreign policy behaviours in its interaction with bilateral partners. Small state theory forms the theoretical framework that explains New Zealand's behaviour in its foreign policy interaction with the EU. The theory was chosen for both its perceived usefulness in explaining and understanding the foreign policy behaviour of small states and for the apparent weaknesses of the theory, which is revealed in the case study of New Zealand-EU relations. This demonstrates how the theory is useful for its explanation of small state foreign policy behaviour, but also providing an insightful revelation of the theories flaws. This thesis proposes modifications to small state theory in order to strengthen it, and make it more encompassing of the contemporary realities of small state foreign policy, demonstrating that size does matter when exercising a foreign policy.

Stridsflygplan är en exklusiv resurs som är som mest sårbara när de står på marken. Med anledning av det osäkra omvärldsläget kring Östersjön så har Regeringen identifierat att in- vesteringar i flygbassystemet krävs för att öka flygstridskrafternas överlevnad i händelse av krig. Utifrån John A Warden III teorier om framgångsfaktorer för skydd av flygplan på mar- ken så jämför denna flerfallstudie stormaktens syn med småstatens avseende principer för sådant skydd. Studien syftar indirekt till att ge ledtrådar till utveckling av framtida base- ringskoncept. Resultatet i studien visar på likheter i, t.ex. synen på behovet av spridning av flygplan och utmaningen att logistikförsörja detta men också på skillnader i, t.ex. synen på vilseledande åtgärder. / Fighter Aircraft are an exclusive resource that are most vulnerable when standing on the ground. Due to the uncertain geosecurity situation surrounding the Baltic Sea, the government has determined that investment is required in the airbase system to increase the survival of air force assets in the case of war. Based on John A Warden III theories of factors for success for aircraft protection on the ground, this multi-case study compares the superpower view with that of the small state regarding principles for such protection. The study indirectly aims to provide clues for the development of future wartime basing concepts. The result of the study shows similarities, for example in view of the need for dispersal of aircraft and the logistic challenge of supplying this, as well as differences e.g. in views of deception measures such as screening and camouflage.

Small states have limited possibilities in promoting their own interests internationally due to their limited resources. They therefore use certain strategies to help them achieve their foreign policy objectives. This thesis deals with cooperative strategies in cultural diplomacy, as it often becomes a tool of small states for enhancing its visibility. But even in this environment, they face competition from stronger, larger states. Do small states use cooperative strategies in cultural diplomacy? And if so, how? The issue is examined in more detail on the case of the Czech Republic's participation in the association of EUNIC (European Union National Institutes of Culture), which represents a platform for cooperation of cultural diplomacy actors from the EU Member States. The Czech Republic is represented in the structures of EUNIC by the Czech Centers. The research of this thesis focuses specifically on the opportunities to strengthen the influence of small states in the international field, which EUNIC offers to the members. It focuses also on what motivations and risks are associated with cooperation. Through the methods of interviews, content analysis and quantitative data analysis the thesis describes activity of the Czech Republic as a representative of small state in the EUNIC network in...

v anglickém jazyce The aim of this Master's thesis is to answer the question why Luxembourg contributes more to official development assistance (ODA) than recommended, why it increases its official development assistance to 1% of GNI. The work is based on the hypothesis that Luxembourg, a small state, is trying to increase its status through foreign development cooperation and through its gradual increase in official development assistance. By reaching 0.7% of GNI, Luxembourg is among the other four countries, Norway, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands, which have already met this threshold. This group of five countries is the only one that has managed to increase its official development assistance to 1% of GNI and is considered the most generous donor. Luxembourg has averaged 1% of GNI since 2009, reaching number one in recent years, making it the most generous country. Luxembourg achieved 0.7% of GNI for the first time in 2000. In 2009, it reached 1% of GNI for the first time. The timing of the research is limited to these years 2000-2009. The research frameworks of the work are the concept of a small state and the concept of status. The terms used are foreign development cooperation and official development assistance. The research work applies the content analysis of official documents of the...

In recent years, more small states have entered the arena of international mediation. While research generally recognizes that small states can use international mediation to further their own foreign policy goals, the implications of that notion remain understudied. Specifically in relation to engagement with proscribed armed groups, current research is lacking. Furthermore, most research on small-state mediation views small states as a unitary group of actors, leaving out of consideration the differences between states. This study aims to address this research gap by investigating the influence of foreign policy independence on engagement with proscribed armed groups when relevant to the peace process. Through a Structured, Focused Comparison of the mediation efforts of Kuwait, Oman, and Qatar in Yemen in the post-Arab Spring era, this study found preliminary support for the stated hypothesis that the higher the level of independence in a small state’s foreign policy, the more likely it is to engage with proscribed actors. For Kuwait and Oman, their behavior in Yemen was fully in line with the hypothesis. While Qatar showed limited engagement in Yemen despite having an independent foreign policy, its choices were still influenced by a certain level of dependence on Saudi Arabia.