With the September 11th attacks on the World Trade Center buildings, the intersection of religious ideals in war has been at the forefront of the American discussion on war and conflict. The New York attacks were followed by the U.S. invasions of Afghanistan in October of 2001 in an attempt to destroy the religious government of the Taliban and capture the Islamic terrorist leader Osama bin Laden, and then followed by the 2003 invasion of Iraq, both in an attempt to fight terrorism and religious extremism. In both instances, American forces became embroiled in counterinsurgency operations against insurgent fighters who identified themselves in terms of religion and ethnicity. More recently, all of the regional and nuclear powers are engaged in conflicts against insurgents identified as religious in some form. The purpose of this research is to present tactical and strategic policies that can be implemented when ethno-religious violence occurs in and around religious sites, ensuring that operations at these sites will contribute to successful mitigation of violence in the wider conflict. Based on concepts from classical and contemporary counterinsurgency thought, a set of variables that contributes to successful counterinsurgency operations at religious sites was selected in order to understand successes and failures at previous operations. The results from these comparative studies were then used to develop a theoretical framework that contributes to successful counterinsurgency operations at religious sites. The comparative studies chosen for this research includes four cases from India, with the finding then applied to case studies from Thailand, and Israel. Like India, Thailand and Israel are facing insurgent movements that identify themselves along various ethnic, religious, and national constructs. The findings clearly show that there is a set of operational variables that apply to counterinsurgency operations at religious sites and contribute to tactical and strategic success. Conclusions are drawn that success or failure of counterinsurgency operations at religious sites is not solely tied to a military versus law enforcement approach to the conflict. Contrary to this theory, it is how the operation is carried out, rather than how the counterinsurgents are formed, that contributes to a successful operation.

No description available.

Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt. / This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.

Witchcraft discourse in South Africa has increasingly permeated all social structures, thereby becoming a real threat to the process of reconstruction and development. The neglect of witchcraft accusations and their resultant consequences can cause the country to lose all it gained as a result of the liberation struggle. In this study I examine the historical developments of witchcraft accusations around the world in general, and in South Africa in particular as well as the threats they pose to society. I analyse five broad areas: 1) The inborn h tendency to scapegoat; jealousy; and the role religion plays in the escalation of these problems; 2) The African world-view and its consequences on interpersonal relationships; 3) Colonial and missionary attempts to suppress the African world-view; 4) Ways and means of containing the conflicts arising from the witchcraft problem; and 5) Summary of findings. The research was occasioned by the untold suffering victims of witchcraft accusations have to undergo in the three Northern Provinces of South Africa. Because of the cruelty and misery such accusations cause the poor people of these rural provinces urgent attention is needed to contain them, especially since such accusations have not diminished despite all governmental efforts to curtail them. At the centre of witchcraft accusations there are stress, hatred, vindictiveness, and aspirations to become famous. The fear that one may be victimised by either being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched is very real even today. The relevance of the study is apparent when one considers the feelings of helplessness that paralyses the opponent of this carnage, such as government and the churches. A number of resources should thus be employed to counter would be put into it. This threat which is aggravated by the abject poverty prevalent in the rural communities of the three Provinces. The prevailing conditions of abject poverty play a definite role in the creation, promotion and escalation of the scourge. Policy makers should therefore have clear grasp of the extent to which poverty has influence on society in any effort to contain witchcraft accusations. I conclude the study by ~ecommending transformational paths to the Government, NonGovernmental Organisations and other Community Leaders to follow in attending to improve the lot of the poor. This is done by highlighting ten findings that emerged during the study. The findings were the result of analyses of archival records, literature and case studies on witchcraft accusations. Because the subject of witchcraft is so wide and emotive I have employed several sociological and anthropological theories to cover as wide a field as possible. The incorporation of so many theoretical approaches into the study presents on interpretive and analytical explanation of the causes, effects and containment of witchcraft accusations. The overall conclusion is encapsulated by the title of the study Moloi ga a na mmala (A witch has no colour). A witch remains unidentifiable, but witch-hunters and sniffers know how to identify their witches. Although the process remains paradoxical, it is practised on a daily basis. / Religious Studies & Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences. / Department of Government and Public Administration

This thesis focuses on Lombard Southern Italy during the early middle ages and it analyses the history of political and social conflicts between the eighth and ninth century, taking into account the transformation of Lombard political power and social practices in this area. Starting from the eight-century judicial sources, this work explores political and social competition in the Beneventan region by taking into account its geographical position at the center of the Mediterranean see. Southern Italy was considered as a periphery, and sometimes as a frontier, by both the Carolingian and Byzantine empires, and endured almost a century of Muslims' attempts to conquer the peninsula. The first chapter focuses on the ducal period and investigates the formation and consolidation of the duke of Benevento's political authority before 774. During the seventh and eight centuries, the dukes developed a military and political autonomy in Southern Italy. This was due to the geographical position of the Duchy of Benevento in the Lombard Kingdom: it was far from Pavia, the king's capital city, and it was relatively isolated from other Lombard territories. Since a dynasty was established here as early as the seventh century, these dukes developed a strong and precocious political consciousness. As a result, they were particularly concerned with the formal representation of their authority, which is early attested in both coinage and diplomas. In this chapter, the analysis of the eight-century judicial records opens two important perspectives on the duke of Benevento's practices of power. Firstly, judicial assemblies were one of the most important occasions for the duke to demonstrate and exercise his authority in a public context. In contrast to all other Lombard dukes, who rendered judgement together with a group of officers, the duke of Benevento acted alone before the competing parties. By behaving exactly as the Lombard king would in Pavia, the duke was able to utilise the judicial domain as a sort of theatre in which to practice, legitimise and represent his own public authority in front of the local aristocracy. Secondly, the analysis of seven judicial case-studies suggests that the duke was not simply the sole political authority in Benevento but also the leading social agent in the whole Lombard southern Italy. Almost all the disputes transmitted by the twelfth-century cartularies implied a ducal action, donation or decision in the past, which became the main cause for later conflicts between the members of the lay élite and the monastic foundations of the region. Consequently, the analysis of judicial conflicts reveals more about the duke of Benevento's strategies and practices of power than about the lay and ecclesiastical élites' competition for power. Since there are no judicial records between 774 and the last decade of the ninth century, both conflicts and representations of authority in Lombard Southern Italy are analysed through other kinds of sources for this period. Chronicles, hagiographies, diplomas, and material sources are rich in clues about political and social competition in Benevento. By contrast, the late-ninth-century judicial records transmitted by cartularies and archives are quite different from the eighth-century documents: they have a bare and simple structure, which often hides the peculiarities of the single dispute by telling only the essentials of each conflict and a concise final judgement. In contrast to the sources of the ducal period, the ninth- and tenth-century judicial records often convey a flattened image of Lombard society. Their basic structure certainly prevents a focus on the representation of authority and the practices of power in southern Italy. On the contrary, these fields of inquiry are crucial to research both competition within the Beneventan aristocracy during the ninth century, and the relationship between Lombards and Carolingian after 774. After the fall of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, Charlemagne did not complete the military conquest of the Italian peninsula: the Duchy of Benevento was left under the control of Arechis (758-787), who proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum and continued to rule mostly independently. The confrontation and competition with the Frankish empire are key to understanding both the strengthening of Lombard identity in southern Italy and the formation of a princely political authority. The second account the historiography on the Regnum Italiae, the third section of this chapter focuses precisely on the ambitions of Louis II in Southern Italy and it analyses the implication that the projection of his rulership over this area had in shaping his imperial authority. Despite Louis II's efforts to control the Lombard principalities, his military and political experience soon revealed its limits. After the conquest of Bari in 871, Prince Adelchi imprisoned the emperor in his palace until he obtained a promise: Louis II swore not to return to Benevento anymore. Although the pope soon liberated the emperor from this oath, he never regained a political role in Southern Italy. Nevertheless, his prolonged presence in the region during the ninth century radically changed the political equilibrium of both the Lombard principalities and the Tyrrhenian duchies (i.e. Napoli, Gaeta, Amalfi). The fourth section focuses firstly on the competition between Louis II and Adelchi of Benevento, who obstinately defined his public authority in a direct competition with the Carolingian emperor. At the same time, the competition within the local aristocracy in Benevento radically changed into a small-scale struggle between the members of Adelchi's kingroup, the Radelchids. At the same time, some local officers expanded their power and acted more and more autonomously in their district, such as in Capua. When Louis II left Benevento in 871, both the Tyrrhenian duchies and the Lombard principalities in Southern Italy were profoundly affected by a sudden change in their mutual relations and even in their inner stability. The competition for power and authority in Salerno and Capua-Benevento also changed and two different political systems were gradually established in these principalities. Despite the radical transformation of internal competition and the Byzantine conquest of a large part of Puglia and Basilicata at the end of the ninth century, the Lombard principalities remained independent until the eleventh century, when Southern Italy was finally seized by Norman invaders.

The following argument offers a sharper micro-foundational lens for studying human political and social behavior by demonstrating how political science might better incorporate the theory of evolution into its behavioral models, and by showing that differential conflict occasionally prevails over the materialist conflicts depicted in much of the modern social science literature. I take evolutionary psychology's understanding of manifest behavior as a point of departure, and then analyze the manifest behavior in terms of judgments, which are binary measurements at a particular point of reference; in other words, a given manifest behavior either did or did not occur at a particular point in time. I then show that judgments can 1) transmit from one individual to the next, 2) vary according to predictable adaptive processes, and 3) are either extinguished or flourish dependent upon the process of natural selection; judgments, therefore, meet the three requirements of evolutionary theory. Judgments, rather than genes, better describe the process of human political and social evolution, which becomes especially clear when one assesses the consequences of what I term "differential" outcomes in judgments. / text

Not available / text

VIANA, Waldiane Sampaio. Manifestações homofóbicas em espaços públicos: praças da Gentilândia em Fortaleza. 2009. 140 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2009. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-10-27T14:48:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_WSViana.pdf: 4053546 bytes, checksum: 9f87d954690cde961b22e460840da9e5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-10-27T14:51:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_WSViana.pdf: 4053546 bytes, checksum: 9f87d954690cde961b22e460840da9e5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-10-27T14:51:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_WSViana.pdf: 4053546 bytes, checksum: 9f87d954690cde961b22e460840da9e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / The main goal of this work is to understand the homosexuality behavior experienced by the people who used to walk around or lived next to the squares of Gentilândia and also to study the conflicting practices found in these areas. In this work, the homophobic demonstrations occurred in these squares and the resistance of the young people imposed against these practices in order to guarantee their space in there squares are investigated. Not so far ago, these squares were considered one of the main points of the homosexual people in Fortaleza. The conflict presented among the homosexual young people, the local resident people and other visitors is investigated, taking into account two distinct time interval in order to better understand the exposed problem. The first time interval occurred between December of 2004 until July of 2006, and the second interval between April of 2007 and August of 2008. In this scenario, it is discussed prejudice against homosexuals, the production and reproduction, as well as the process of the breakdown of this same prejudices, presented both in the Square of Gentilândia as social environment. / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é compreender como foi vivenciada a homossexualidade pelas pessoas que frequentavam e moravam próximo às Praças da Gentilândia e entender as práticas conflituosas que ocorreram nessas Praças. Descrever como se deram as manifestações homofóbicas nesses espaços e como os jovens lutaram para resistir à homofobia e para se manter nas Praças, que já foram consideradas principais pontos de encontro de jovens homossexuais em Fortaleza. Para isso, relatarei e analisarei o conflito que existiu entre os jovens homossexuais, os moradores e os demais frequentadores, levando em consideração dois recortes temporais para melhor compreender o conflito que se deu em dois momentos. O primeiro momento do conflito aconteceu de dezembro de 2004 a julho de 2006, e o segundo momento, de abril de 2007 até meados de agosto de 2008. Nessa perspectiva, discutirei o preconceito contra homossexuais, a produção e reprodução, bem como os processos de desconstrução desses preconceitos, tanto nas Praças da Gentilândia como no meio social.

Witchcraft discourse in South Africa has increasingly permeated all social structures, thereby becoming a real threat to the process of reconstruction and development. The neglect of witchcraft accusations and their resultant consequences can cause the country to lose all it gained as a result of the liberation struggle. In this study I examine the historical developments of witchcraft accusations around the world in general, and in South Africa in particular as well as the threats they pose to society. I analyse five broad areas: 1) The inborn h tendency to scapegoat; jealousy; and the role religion plays in the escalation of these problems; 2) The African world-view and its consequences on interpersonal relationships; 3) Colonial and missionary attempts to suppress the African world-view; 4) Ways and means of containing the conflicts arising from the witchcraft problem; and 5) Summary of findings. The research was occasioned by the untold suffering victims of witchcraft accusations have to undergo in the three Northern Provinces of South Africa. Because of the cruelty and misery such accusations cause the poor people of these rural provinces urgent attention is needed to contain them, especially since such accusations have not diminished despite all governmental efforts to curtail them. At the centre of witchcraft accusations there are stress, hatred, vindictiveness, and aspirations to become famous. The fear that one may be victimised by either being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched is very real even today. The relevance of the study is apparent when one considers the feelings of helplessness that paralyses the opponent of this carnage, such as government and the churches. A number of resources should thus be employed to counter would be put into it. This threat which is aggravated by the abject poverty prevalent in the rural communities of the three Provinces. The prevailing conditions of abject poverty play a definite role in the creation, promotion and escalation of the scourge. Policy makers should therefore have clear grasp of the extent to which poverty has influence on society in any effort to contain witchcraft accusations. I conclude the study by ~ecommending transformational paths to the Government, NonGovernmental Organisations and other Community Leaders to follow in attending to improve the lot of the poor. This is done by highlighting ten findings that emerged during the study. The findings were the result of analyses of archival records, literature and case studies on witchcraft accusations. Because the subject of witchcraft is so wide and emotive I have employed several sociological and anthropological theories to cover as wide a field as possible. The incorporation of so many theoretical approaches into the study presents on interpretive and analytical explanation of the causes, effects and containment of witchcraft accusations. The overall conclusion is encapsulated by the title of the study Moloi ga a na mmala (A witch has no colour). A witch remains unidentifiable, but witch-hunters and sniffers know how to identify their witches. Although the process remains paradoxical, it is practised on a daily basis. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)