The thesis ‚Instruments of Employment Policy by Social Democratic Ministers Jaromír Nečas and Michaela Marksová-Tominová' deals with employment policy and joins recent and historici view on the topic. The thesis focuses on social democratic politician Jaromír Nečas, concerns on his views and the programme of the former Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party. It also aims on the present employment policy of the minister Michaela Marksová-Tominová and programme of recent ČSSD. The thesis compares instruments and means used to deal with unemployment by this ministers, it shows that both ministers had the same goals but sometimes different instruments: For exemple, public investition works disappeared but recvalification is much more used than efore.

5 German social democratic architecture in municipal housing in Ústí nad Labem, 1918-1938 Ing. arch. Pavel Prouza Supervisor: Prof. PhDr. Rostislav Švácha, CSc. Abstract The dissertation addresses the issue of architecture in municipal housing built between the two wars in the town of Ústí nad Labem. From mid-nineteenth century the North Bohemian industrial agglomeration, populated mostly by Germans, experienced unprecedented urban and demographic growth. Thus, between 1919 and 1938, the municipality developed a comprehensive project of approximately one hundred buildings. The thesis identifies relations and balanced proportions between a formal analysis of the individual stages of development and a study of their broader historical context. The method of art-historical analysis is applied, whereby the projects are chronologically classified and their urban, typological and chronological aspects are assayed and assessed. The thesis also focuses on the identity of the author, the architect of German origin Franz J. Arnold. The architecture of the Ústí municipal housing complex was designed as a concretization of the social democratic political programme and of the state housing policy, it carries therefore a contents of political significance. The analysis was performed based on archival studies and field...

This thesis concerns the Czechoslovak Social Democracy in the 1930's and 1940's. Its aim is to investigate whether the Social Democratic Party in the Third Republic moved from a mass party towards being a catch-all party. It investigates whether the move was in line with Otto Kirchheimer's theory. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first part is theoretically orientated. It analyzes how and why there was a move from a mass party towards a catch-all party. It also contains in which areas the change occured and how it occured. The second part focuses on whether the Social Democratic Party in the First Republic can be considered in the typology of political parties as a mass party. There is a conclusion that we can call it a mass party. The third part analyzes if the Social Democratic Party in the Third Republic moved from being a mass party to a catch-all party. The conclusion is that this happened. The final part is dedicated to whether the Social Democratic Party in the Third Republic moved closer to being a catch-all party in line with Otto Kirchheimer's theory. This part concludes that it was in line with this theory.

In the first part of this study we describe different ways of view of the definition and analysis of party network in the Europe and the USA. The theoretical part deals also with evolutionary theory of political parties and different definitions of political parties. The practical part of the study focuses on the description of selected organizations that have a demonstrable relationship with the Czech Social Democrats and the few exceptions are surveyed organizations subordinate to them, or are very closely related with this party. This study therefore describes and analyses various organizations in terms of their focus, the number of members or the way of financing, but also in terms of interconnection with the party and among themselves. We mentioned also the unions, whose connection with the CSSD is based on history background. The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive description of the surveyed organizations and at least generally assess their personal connections and influence of the direction of the CSSD. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State social security transfers for families existed in South Africa only in the form of state maintenance grants, which paid up to R700 to single parents. The system was not appropriate in the South African context, being racially biased and financially unsustainable. The Department of Welfare - following in principle the recommendations of the "Lund report" - introduced with effect from 1 April 1998 a child support grant which is payable to the primary care-givers of children, regardless of their family status. The level of benefit was set at RIOOper month per child for children up to the age of six (incl.). The Department declared that 48% or 3 million children should be targeted. At the same time, the SMGs are to be phased out over a three year period. This research was conducted between November 1995 and March 1998. The analysis of the different suggestions during the policy process and the final policy is based on two pillars: • A situation analysis of the living conditions of South Africa's children on the basis of a composite index. • An evaluation of policy scenarios on the basis of a microsimulation model. The index tries to give a complex picture of the living conditions of children by looking at the financial situation, housing, health, and employment opportunities of the households the children are living in. The analysis reveals that nearly 70% of South Africa's children up to the age of six (incl.) live below the poverty line as defined. A further analysis of the household structure indicates that poorer children are likely to live in larger households. The overall policy shift from a support of single parent families to children in poverty regardless of their family status is espoused. However, the microsimulation model which analyses the impact of different factors like the 'level of benefit', the 'age-cohort', the 'means-test', and the 'administrative requirements', reveals that there are still serious flaws in the current policy. Due to the fact that the means-test is based on the total household income, nearly 40% of the children living below the poverty line are excluded. In addition, the administration needs urgent attention as its capacity is the decisive factor in the success of the programme. The thesis calculates that in the next five years up to R2 billion less will be spent on poor children and the goal of reaching 3 million children will not be achieved, if the problems identified are not addressed. The thesis develops an alternative suggestion to the current policy. While microsimulation has become quite a standard procedure in the analysis of social policies in industrialised countries, there is so far no application in developing countries. It is hoped that by taking this policy analysis as a case-study, this thesis is a step towards the introduction of this method here. Microsimulation models provide important information to enhance the transparency and accountability of policy processes. In this case, civil society was able to challenge Government's decision on a very informed basis, to put pressure on decision makers successfully, and to make workable alternative suggestions. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that against Government's promise redistribution does not take place. Instead a shift towards a more neo-liberal approach in social policy is observed.

Dans les années 1880, en Grande-Bretagne, les idées socialistes connaissent un regain d’intérêt et des organisations socialistes sont créées. La contribution théorique et militante d’Annie Besant (1847-1933) à l’effervescence intellectuelle du « renouveau socialiste » a été importante. Annie Besant a pourtant été marginalisée par les historiens du mouvement socialiste. Après dix ans de militantisme dans la National Secular Society (NSS), l’organisation radicale, mais antisocialiste de Charles Bradlaugh, Annie Besant en vient, dans de nombreux articles et opuscules, à définir un socialisme évolutionniste. Elle exige l’intervention de l’État dans l’économie ainsi que la mise en place de droits sociaux. En 1885, elle adhère à la jeune Société fabienne et participe à l’élaboration de la doctrine fabienne fondée sur l’implication des socialistes dans les institutions politique et sur un collectivisme graduel. En aidant les allumettières de chez Byrant and May lorsqu’elles se mettent en grève puis forment un syndicat, Annie Besant contribue au « nouvel unionisme ». En 1888, lorsqu’elle est élue au conseil des écoles de Londres, elle défend ouvertement un programme socialiste. En 1889, Annie Besant se convertit à la théosophie, doctrine spiritualiste inspirée par les religions et les philosophies orientales. Dans un premier temps, elle renonce au militantisme politique et social. Cependant, après son installation en Inde, elle milite pour l’autodétermination de cette nation dès les années 1910. Elle s’intéresse de nouveau aux idéaux socialistes et cherche à nouer des alliances au sein du parti travailliste. Prendre en compte l’évolution du parcours d’Annie Besant, ainsi que les prolongements de son engagement socialiste, permet de mieux appréhender la nature et le développement du socialisme britannique de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle. / In the 1880s, socialist ideas attracted renewed interest in Britain and socialist organisations were set up. Annie Besant (1847-1933)’s theoretical and militant contribution to the intellectual ferment of the “Socialist Revival” was important. Annie Besant was nevertheless marginalised by historians of the socialist movement. After ten years of militancy in Charles Bradlaugh’s radical but anti-socialist National Secular Society (NSS), Annie Besant came to argue in numerous articles and pamphlets, for an evolutionary socialism, demanding state intervention in the economy and the establishment of social rights. In 1885, she joined the newly formed Fabian Society and took part in the elaboration of the Fabian doctrine based on involvement in traditional politics and gradual collectivism. In helping the Bryant and May’s women matchmakers when they struck and formed a union, Annie Besant contributed to “new unionism”. In 1888, when she was elected to the London School Board, she openly defended a socialist programme. In 1889, Annie Besant converted to theosophy, a spiritualist doctrine inspired by eastern philosophies and religions. First, she gave up political and social agitation. However, after moving to India she agitated for Home Rule in India from the 1910s. Her interest in socialist ideals was renewed and she sought to make alliances within the Labour party. Taking into account the evolution her career, but also the sequel to her socialist commitment, is crucial to understand the nature and the development of British socialism at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century.

Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’éclairer les parcours personnels et collectifs de la quarantaine de membres fondateurs du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (SDP puis SPD), au-delà de sa création le 7 octobre 1989, afin de retracer leurs efforts de structuration mais aussi d’élaboration d’un programme social-démocrate proprement est-allemand, tout ce travail partisan qui dépasse la charge révolutionnaire à l’encontre du régime socialiste quarantenaire du SED. Après la chute du Mur, ce parti résolument est-allemand doit s’ouvrir à la question allemande et se confronter au Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne ouest-allemand qui l’aide tout autant qu’il tente de le récupérer, notamment lorsque le parti est-allemand accède au gouvernement de la RDA en mars 1990. Alors que les deux gouvernements de Berlin et de Bonn préparent l’unification selon la volonté majoritaire, les sociaux-démocrates est-allemands, patriotes, s’affairent à empêcher que leur identité et leur pays ne soient happés par la RFA au niveau national ou par le parti frère de Bonn au niveau partisan. Au-delà de la politique effectivement menée, ce travail s’intéresse donc aux aspirations véhiculées par le parti est-allemand durant son l’année d’existence autonome jusqu’à sa fusion avec le SPD de RFA, le 26 septembre 1990, quelques jours avant la Réunification nationale. / This dissertation analyses the personal and collective background and development of the approximately 40 founding members of the Social democratic Party in the GDR (SDP, then SPD) from October 7th 1989 until the fusion of both German Social democratic parties on September 26th 1990, 8 days before the national Reunification. Beyond the revolutionary act against the East German regime and the SED, this thesis tries to retace the structural and programmatic development of the party and insists on the East-German basis of its ideology. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the SDP has to position itself vis-à-vis the national question and its relations to the West German SPD. The latter helps its new partner but tries to dominate the East German party, especially after it has become part of the East German government after the free national elections on March 18th 1990. Although the majority of the East German population hopes for a prompt reunification as it is promised by the conservative parties in Bonn and Berlin, the SPD tries to avoid a complete rendition of East-German identity and succeeds in maintaining some of its aspects beyond the German Reunification. Nevertheless, the East German social democrats fight for the ratification of the three Treaties by the West German SPD part of which seems reluctant. Throughout their political actions, the East German social democrats seek to maintain their identity which they consider no less valuable than the one that is impersonated by the Federal Republic and the West German SPD. This dissertation tries not only to depict the social democratic policies but to analyze the evolution of objectives within the year of its autonomous existence.

The topic of this diplomma work is how Czechoslovakian social democratic party was described during preelection period in 1946 in newspapers Rude pravo and Svobodne noviny. The text aims to introduce the topic of the way how Czechoslovakian social democratic party (ČSD) is reflected in contemporary press: Svobodne noviny and Rude pravo. The Constituent Assembly ellections at 26. May 1946 were for a long time period the Last elections, which could have been called democratic. The communist party got 40,17% of votes and entered the government for the first time in history. This issue has not been satisfactorily elaborated yet. The thesis is divided into two main parts, the first one being theoretical and the second analytic. First, I describe the general situation in the post-WWII Czechoslovakia and the position of the Social Democracy. In the second part, I provide a characteristic of the analyzed newspapers and discuss the articles in order to verify the hypothesis.

What happens to social democracy when the working class declines? The aim of this study is to examine ideological changes in The Swedish Social Democratic Party, in particular the party’s ideological changes regarding liberty. The material consists of 300 government bills equally divided over the parliamentary sessions of 1974, 1990/91 and 2005/06, in all of which The Social Democratic Party held office. Using the theoretical framework Two Concepts of Liberty, I found that an increasingly amount of bills draws on the idea of negative freedom. However, the result also shows that bills that draws on negative freedom subsequently decreases in favour of bills that draws on positive freedom, suggesting that the ideological changes regarding liberty in The Swedish Social Democracy Party are nonlinear rather than moving straightforward.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Murilo Carvalho Pereira Guazzelli.pdf: 951393 bytes, checksum: 8206a9b37a24f3b1002965c7958bbe87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-20 / Without distancing itself from a restriction of freedom, this work aims to present an instrument able to, on a concrete way, attend the constitutional principle of the system of integral protection by the moment of the social educative measurement of internment. Therefore, through the notion of citizen determined by the Social Democratic Law State, there is an attempt to settle the vote as such mechanism, making possible, as a result, the preservation of a fundamental right, as it is the right to vote, in addition to the dignity of the human being. It will be demonstrated by the end that the awaited resocialization of the teenagers doing time related to the social educative measurement of internment will only be possible by the time such teenagers are seen as people subject to rights. And also seen as citizens able to influence the result of the voting, which will certainly call the attention of the public authorities. Otherwise, the internment will be no more than a mere criminal sanction that will result in the social isolation and in the maintenance of non-citizens; but never on a sanction able to generate public politics which will concretely promote the resocialization of the teenager confronting the law / O objetivo do presente trabalho, sem afastar-se da necessidade de uma restrição da liberdade, é apresentar um instrumento capaz de, concretamente, atender ao princípio constitucional do sistema de proteção integral, quando do cumprimento da medida socioeducativa de internação. Para tanto, valendo-se da noção de cidadão, insculpida pelo Social Estado Democrático de Direito, busca-se fixar o voto como tal mecanismo, permitindo, desta feita, a preservação de um direito fundamental, qual seja o direito de votar, e da dignidade da pessoa humana. Demonstrar-se-á, ao final, que apenas será possível a esperada ressocialização dos adolescentes em cumprimento de medida socioeducativa de internação, quando estes forem vistos como sujeitos de direitos. E mais, sujeitos capazes de influenciarem no resultado do sufrágio, o que, por certo, despertará interesse do poder público. Do contrário, não passará a internação de mera sanção penal provocadora de isolamento social e mantenedora de não-cidadãos; mas nunca uma sanção capaz de gerar políticas públicas que, concretamente, promovam a ressocialização do adolescente em conflito com a lei