This thesis centres its analysis upon the fascination for the collective at the potential cost of a delimitation of individual expression, within the confines of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). From the perspective of an applied anthropology, and to the end of contributing a constructive critique of the MST, the thesis seeks to ascertain how the movement has structured itself through the micro-actions of its membership around the domain of collective tropes of identity and where this complex set of understandings is leading the movement, both in the immediate, and more long-term, futures. To these ends, the principal focus of analysis is how actors within the movement construct and understand experiences of movement logic and emotion, as they perceive it, in and around their ambit. The thesis is thus orientated from an ethnographic perspective; throughout, actors’ accounts and experiences are privileged to attempt to throw light upon the manifold processes that being a member of the MST renders part of daily life. The thesis argues that in this extraordinarily dynamic time in Brazil, with socio-economic conditions so different to when the movement was founded, flexibility is going to be key as to whether the MST can endure, remaining relevant to its members and in a position where it can attempt to address its strategic aims. The thesis suggests that the movement faces a signal dilemma regarding the very device on which it has built its success, the unified collective front into which MST members’ identities can be subsumed. This fascination for the collective and its correlates, a hostile attitude to the media and the polarisation that can separate MST members from wider society, is explored through a series of differing contexts and the thesis closes with conclusions embedded within the framework of an applied anthropology; in pragmatic terms, how can the MST best achieve its stated goals at this historically significant point of its trajectory.

This thesis focuses on whether protest affects the levels of repression in electoral democracies and, if so, in what manner. After an overview of the literature, Chapter 2 contains an empirical analysis of the relationship between protest and repression at a global level, using a dataset of 71 democracies over 10 years. The results point to a positive association between protest and repression that is driven primarily by post-1974 democracies. The chapter then develops a theoretical model of the costs and benefits accruing to a democratic leader when deciding whether to repress a protest. The model yields a number of testable hypotheses about which factors will affect the likelihood that repression will be chosen, which are then tested for using cross-national and sub-national data. The impact of constitutional constraints is examined first using the cross-national dataset, which reveals that executives in new democracies centralise power in response to protest. Chapter 4 is a quantitative study of the 27 Brazilian states over a 9-year period using data on the repression of land protesters and political variables. The results indicate that governors with precarious political positions are less likely to promote repressive policing strategies. Chapter 5 uses data drawn from five Brazilian national newspapers to identify whether under-reporting of land protest events might contribute to the level of state repression. Chapter 6 is a qualitative comparison of two states – São Paulo and Pará – and suggests that while tight political control over the police explains repression in the former, the unaccountability of the police and the ideology of the main opposition parties in the state assembly may explain why the latter has a much higher level of repression than would be predicted by political factors alone. Chapter 7 revisits the cross-national dataset of 71 democracies to test whether additional determinants of repression identified in Chapter 6 have an effect at the global level.

The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below. / Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.

Orientador: Regina Facchini / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T22:03:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zanoli_ViniciusPedroCorreia_M.pdf: 2744781 bytes, checksum: a98bc4092c22e8b116cfbd0f1883f519 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta dissertação procura colaborar com o debate em torno dos movimentos sociais no Brasil contemporâneo a partir da análise do movimento LGBT (de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais). Para tal, centra-se nas relações dos grupos ativistas LGBT de Campinas com os demais atores sociais presentes em seu "campo" de ativismo, contextualizando-as em relação a processos políticos no âmbito nacional e internacional. O olhar para as relações desse movimento demanda atenção aos "múltiplos pertencimentos", aos "trânsitos" entre Estado e ativismo e às relações com partidos políticos e outros atores, como sindicatos e outros movimentos. A análise dos "trânsitos" e dos "múltiplos pertencimentos" indica disputas em torno dos significados que assumem categorias como movimen-to social, Estado e política. Essas disputas (re)produzem tanto as fronteiras entre o que se compreende como Estado e movimento social, quanto os significados em torno do que é política. A análise das relações com outros atores presentes na rede ativista chama atenção para as alianças e tensões entre os grupos, bem como para processos de fissão relacionados à especificação do sujeito político do movimento. A metodologia utilizada é etnográfica, articulando observação participante, análise documental e entrevistas em profundidade. Foram observadas, entre janeiro de 2013 e junho de 2014, atividades que congregaram diversos atores do "campo" do movimento, reuniões de organização e atividades do Mês da Diversidade Sexual e o cotidiano do Centro de Referência LGBT de Campinas / Abstract: This work aims to collaborate with the debate around social movements in contemporary Brazil through the analysis of the Brazilian LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) movement. For this, it is centered in the relations of the activist groups of Campinas with the social actors within their activist "field", contextualizing them in relation to political processes in both national and international scope. The study of the relations of this social movement demands attention to the "multiple belongings", the "transits" between state and activism and the relations with political parties and diverse actors like workers unions and other social movements. The analysis of the "transits" and the "multiple belongings" denotes disputes around the meanings assumed by categories like social movement, state and politics. These disputes (re)produce the borders of what is comprehended as state and social movement, as well as the meanings around of what is politics. The analysis of the relations with other actors present in the activist network stress the alliances and tensions between the groups, as well as the processes of fission related to the specification of the political subject of the movement. Ethnography was used here as the research method, thus, the research articulates participant observations, document analysis and in-depth interviews. Between January 2013 and June 2014 I observed activities that congregated diverse actors of the "field" of the movement, meetings and activities of the Sexual Diversity Month and the everyday activities of the workers of Campinas LGBT Center / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestre em Antropologia Social

No description available.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-19T11:25:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 André Arias Fogliano de Souza Cunha.pdf: 17556139 bytes, checksum: ac98804f001288313f01f7b5326db4f4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-19T11:25:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 André Arias Fogliano de Souza Cunha.pdf: 17556139 bytes, checksum: ac98804f001288313f01f7b5326db4f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The thesis is a semiotic and biopolitical approach to the revolts of June 2013 that occurred in Brazil. The Brazilian uprising is apprehended, in connection with the world-struggles taking place since 2011, as an aberrant semiosis. This semiosis has destabilized the present state of things and words with which the governamentality of integrated world capitalism operates locally and worldwide. The research problem pursued through the work is to evaluate the mode in which the processuality of affects, statements and images was expressed in a complex network of sense and sensations, taking into account the macro and micro political vicissitudes resulting from the current neoliberal logic. The hypothesis mobilized consists of affirming this aberrant semiosis as a movement that has abolished the state of perception consensually established into what is now conventionally defined as the Anthropocene, thereby unleashing a relational field of conceptual experimentation. The relevance of such a study resides in the fact that the June rebellions have generated a transvaluation of the actual perceptual and discursive regime, which must be studied in order to reach a adequate understanding of the contemporary semiotic-political context. The aim of this research is to cartograph the logical concatenation of the revolt’s semiosis, tracing the affects, images and enunciates proliferated in its interstices. Hence, it’s necessary to recalibrate or to recreate the concepts available according to the frequencies irradiated during the upheaval. The specific objective is to manage modalities of critical readings connected to an ethico-aesthetical paradigm along with the multinaturalist perspectivism. The conclusion reached points to a possibility to establish, following the current cycle of world-struggles, a diagnostic procedure to the events’ sign surface, named as a savage or perspectivist semiotics. Thereunto, it puts in motion a conceptual machine in alliance with philosophical thought produced by Espinoza, Deleuze, Guattari, Foucault, Viveiros de Castro, Pelbart, Manning, Rolnik, etc / Esta tese é uma leitura semiótica e biopolítica das revoltas de Junho de 2013 no Brasil. O levante brasileiro é apreendido, em conexão com o ciclo de lutas-mundo aberto em 2011, como uma semiose aberrante que desestabilizou o atual estado de coisas e de discursos com o qual a governamentalidade do capitalismo mundial integrado opera no país e no mundo. O problema da pesquisa é avaliar o modo pelo qual a processualidade dos afetos, dos discursos e das imagens das revoltas se exprimiu em sua complexa rede de sentidos e de sensações, consideradas as vicissitudes micro e macropolíticas decorrentes da racionalidade neoliberal vigente. Nossa hipótese é que essa semiose aberrante pode ser lida como um movimento que desarmou o estado de percepção consensualmente estabelecido no que se convencionou chamar de Antropoceno, abrindo assim um campo de possíveis experimentações conceituais. A justificativa para tal estudo reside no fato de que as revoltas de Junho provocaram uma transvaloração do regime perceptivo e discursivo vigorante o qual é preciso estudá-lo a contrapelo para atingirmos um entendimento adequado do contexto político-semiótico contemporâneo. O objetivo da pesquisa é traçar o encadeamento lógico da semiose revoltosa, cartografando os afetos, os enunciados e as imagens que proliferaram no seu interstício. Por essa razão, é preciso recalibrar os conceitos dos quais dispomos dentro da frequência irradiada no decorrer do levante. O objetivo específico é experimentar modalidades de leitura crítica em aliança com o paradigma ético-estético e com o perspectivismo multinaturalista. A conclusão alcançada aponta para a possibilidade de se estabelecer, a partir do atual ciclo de lutas globais, um procedimento de diagnóstico da superfície sígnica dos acontecimentos sociais definido como semiótica selvagem ou perspectivista. Para isso, lançamos mão de uma máquina conceitual energizada pelo pensamento de Espinoza, Deleuze, Guattari, Foucault, Viveiros de Castro, Pelbart, Manning, Rolnik, entre outros e outras

Orientador: Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T21:24:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_AndreCortesde_M.pdf: 1191662 bytes, checksum: 4fca61b21396ff1c7c4edfdd62cc5b2f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é analisar a construção discursiva da identidade negra nas páginas do jornal A Voz da Raça. Publicado entre os anos de 1933 e 1937, era o periódico oficial da Frente Negra Brasileira (1931-1937). Em suas páginas foi edificada a ¿Gente Negra Nacional¿ a partir da articulação de uma enorme diversidade de posicionamentos políticos e memórias históricas. Apesar desta multiplicidade, a ¿Gente Negra Nacional¿ era uma identidade fechada e enraizada em conceitos metafísicos de raça e nação organizados por uma concepção orgânica, eugênica e religiosa de sociedade. A Frente Negra Brasileira foi alvo de diversos estudos e, também, rearticulada por diversos segmentos sociais como inspiração para a luta contra o racismo na sociedade brasileira. Em geral, estes estudos tendem a colocar em segundo plano seu discurso fascista, destacando suas vitórias na luta contra o racismo e por melhores condições de vida para os brasileiros negros / Abstract: The aim of this master thesis is to analyze the discoursive construction of a black identity on the pages of the newspaper A Voz da Raça. It was published from 1933 to 1937 as the official journal of the Frente Negra Brasileira [Brazilian Black Front] (1931-1937). The ¿Gente Negra Nacional¿ [National Black People] was brought to light through the articulation of a myriad of political postures and historical memories. Notwithstanding its multiple features, the ¿Gente Negra Nacional¿ appeared as a closed identity and it was rooted on metaphysical concepts of race and nation, which were underpinned by an organic-eugenic-religious conception of society. The Frente Negra Brasileira was approached by a number of studies as well as by different social segments as an inspiration toward the fight against racial prejudice in Brazilian society. Most of those studies prefer to understate the Frente's fascist discourse and stress instead its struggle against racial prejudice as well as toward a better social condition for Brazilian black people / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T21:26:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_GustavoGomesdaCosta_M.pdf: 1057027 bytes, checksum: f44aeff5dc6aaedda4960449a1b0f29c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O presente trabalho é uma tentativa de entender o movimento homossexual na cidade de São Paulo. A partir dos debates em torno das temáticas dos movimentos sociais, da cidadania e das políticas de identidade, pretende-se analisar os projetos políticos presentes nas percepções das lideranças homossexuais e compreender quais fatores explicam a adesão destas lideranças a determinados projetos. A hipótese principal é a de que certos traços das trajetórias individuais (as filiações a partidos políticos e outros movimentos sociais, as experiências profissionais e de contato com o Estado, o momento de inserção no movimento homossexual entre outros) explicam a adesão delas a determinados projetos políticos. A pesquisa visa colaborar com o debate em torno da questão da construção democrática, das relações entre sociedade civil e Estado e das intricadas relações entre cultura e política neste princípio de século / Abstract: The present work is an attempt to understand the gay and lesbian movement in the city of São Paulo. From the perspective of the debates on social movements, citizenship and identity politics, it intends to analyze the political projects, presents in the perceptions of gay and lesbian leaderships and understand which factors explain the adhesion, of these leaderships, to a given project. The main hypothesis is that certain aspects of individual trajectories (such as affiliations to political parties and social movements, professional experiences, contacts with State agencies, the moment of affiliation to the gay and lesbian movement among others) explain the support of these leaderships to a given project. The research aims to collaborate with the debate on democratic construction, State-civil society relations and the intricate relations between culture and politics in the beginning of the century / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T02:08:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Teixeira_AnaClaudiaChaves_D.pdf: 1351247 bytes, checksum: 53405143479033b9cc90462019e5ae5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A democracia participativa foi uma construção histórica, feita por atores concretos de esquerda que, buscando responder a problemas concretos, fizeram escolhas e produziram experiências e discursos que resultaram na ampliação dos sentidos da democracia no Brasil. Esta tese busca cotejar passado e presente, tendo como ponto de partida os sentidos e as opções históricas que os atores tinham diante de si no contexto dos anos 1970. Ao utilizar textos produzidos em cada período, tanto de acadêmicos quanto de militantes, o trabalho recupera as distintas visões e o imaginário social construído sobre o tema no interior da esquerda e busca compreender porque determinados modelos institucionais de democracia participativa e não outros saíram "vencedores". Aqui, o patamar normativo é inserido como elemento da avaliação e não algo que deva ser superado em nome de uma avaliação objetiva das experiências de democracia participativa / Abstract: Participatory democracy was a historic building, made by concrete left actors that seek to respond to concrete problems. These actors made choices and produced experiences and discourses that resulted in the expansion of the meanings of democracy in Brazil. This thesis aims to collate past and present, taking as its starting point the senses and historical options that actors had in the context of the 1970s. Using texts produced in each period, both academics and activists, the thesis retrieves distinct visions and social imaginary built on the theme inside the left and tries to understand why certain institutional models for participatory democracy and not others were "winners". Here, the normative level is part of the evaluation and not something that should be surpassed in the name of an objective evaluation of the experiences of participatory democracy / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Eliane Moura da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T09:42:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pellicciotta_MirzaMariaBaffi_D.pdf: 6552871 bytes, checksum: 7bf241f6a9db428b5707fa63db1ff3a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: A tese Liberdade... e Luta. Considerações sobre uma trajetória política (anos 1970) procura resgatar e refletir sobre a trajetória política de uma tendência estudantil de matriz trotskista (lambertista) que cumpriu um papel destacado na reconstituição e transformação do movimento estudantil brasileiro na década de 1970. Como tendência imersa numa década repressiva, a Liberdade e Luta (vinculada à Organização Socialista Internacionalista/OSI) partilhou da emergência de novas experiências de ação política que, entre outros aspectos, orientou-se pela construção de "alternativas" para a sociedade e a universidade brasileira, chegando a promover formas originais de ação coletiva, críticas a certas formulações e práticas das militâncias de esquerda ao mesmo tempo que sensíveis a presença de experiências contraculturais no interior da Universidade de São Paulo. Em seu percurso de formação e desenvolvimento, encontramos marcas de transformação do movimento social dos estudantes (forçado a enfrentar novos desafios e a construir novas experiências), bem como dos desafios de leitura e recomposição experimentadas pelas organizações de esquerda em seus esforços de recompor e reestruturar projetos e ações políticas. Mais do que isso, a trajetória desta tendência estudantil nos dá pistas da confluência de inúmeros processos que redundaram não apenas numa recomposição original do movimento estudantil, mas na emergência de novas experiências - de teor político-cultural - em meio à sociedade civil e as esquerdas brasileiras / Abstract: The thesis Freedom ... and Struggle. Considerations on a political career (year1970) seeks to recover and reflect on the political trajectory of a Trotskyist tendency student matrix (Lambert) who played an important role in the reconstruction and transformation of the Brazilian student movement in the 1970s. The trend immersed in a decade of repression and Freedom Struggle (linked to the Internationalist Socialist Organization / OSI) shared the experiences of the emergence of new political action, among other things, guided by the construction of "alternative" to society and the Brazilian university , arriving to promote original forms of collective action, critical of certain formulations and practices of leftist activism while sensitive to the presence of countercultural experience within the University of São Paulo. In his course of training and development, we find marks the transformation of students' social movement (forced to face new challenges and build new experiences), as well as the challenges of reading and resetting experienced by left-wing organizations in their efforts to rebuild and restructure projects policies and actions. More than that, the trajectory of this trend in student gives clues to the confluence of several processes that not only resulted in a restoration of the original student movement, but the emergence of new experiences - from political and cultural content - in the midst of civil society and the left Brazil / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutor em História