Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-04-20T17:23:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) SILVEIRA Jr. - A assistencia social e as ideologias do social-liberalismo (2016) 3.pdf: 3142575 bytes, checksum: 8b525cc9a690f0cc472e6f5e6a3b1983 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-20T17:23:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) SILVEIRA Jr. - A assistencia social e as ideologias do social-liberalismo (2016) 3.pdf: 3142575 bytes, checksum: 8b525cc9a690f0cc472e6f5e6a3b1983 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-29 / CAPES / O objetivo desta tese é apreender as ideologias difundidas nos processos de formação-capacitação dos(as) trabalhadores(as) da assistência social desenvolvidos através do governo federal brasileiro nos anos 2000, destacando suas implicações para o (re)direcionamento político-pedagógico da intervenção profissional. O foco da pesquisa centra-se no conjunto das atividades empreendidas pelo Ministério de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS) na área da qualificação profissional, abrangendo os programas nacionais de capacitação e o leque de iniciativas de fomento à cursos de pós-graduação, pesquisas de avaliação e extensão universitária. Esse objetivo é buscado através de uma pesquisa com fontes documentais e bibliográficas, fundada na perspectiva teórico-metodológica crítico-dialética. É analisado o livro Concepção e gestão da proteção social não contributiva no Brasil, organizado para subsidiar o primeiro programa nacional de capacitação. Dentre os documentos examinados, se destacam as apostilas dos cursos, os sumários executivos das pesquisas de avaliação, os editais, chamadas e resultados da pós-graduação e da extensão universitária. Parte-se da hipótese de que as ideologias e prescrições pedagógicas das iniciativas de formação-capacitação inscrevem-se no campo ideológico do social-liberalismo. A análise das fontes documentais e bibliográficas busca determinar as ideologias e tendências político-pedagógicas estudando: (1) as racionalizações que forneciam inteligibilidade para a política social, (2) as teorizações que visavam explicar a assistência social e (3) as implicações da adoção dos conceitos de risco e vulnerabilidade social para a recondução das metodologias de trabalho socioassistencial. A pesquisa identifica que as ideias do social-liberalismo na assistência social levam à uma metamorfose das concepções acerca dos seus objetivos. Nos materiais estudados, tais objetivos tendem a ser deslocados do atendimento às necessidades sociais (ou alcance de mínimos sociais) para o “desenvolvimento de capacidades” dos indivíduos e famílias, cuja condição é então entendida como “situação de vulnerabilidade e risco”. Isso ocorre porque a influência do social-liberalismo opera uma mudança na leitura sobre a pobreza e suas formas de enfrentamento. A partir dessa visão social-liberal, a assistência social comporia a “estrutura de oportunidades” fornecida para suplantar a “vulnerabilidade e o risco social”, através do “desenvolvimento de capacidades” das famílias e indivíduos atendidos. Esse deslocamento induz a construção de metodologias de trabalho socioassistencial com forte apelo individualizador e psicologizante, onde a superação da “vulnerabilidade social” encontra-se hipotecada à mudanças pessoais em termos de fatores educacionais, aptidões profissionais, atitudes e habilidades empreendedoras. Aos quais se imbricam as racionalizações de cunho formal-abstrato, a deseconomização e a despolitização da leitura histórica. / The objective of this dissertation is to apprehend the ideologies diffused in the process of formation-capacitating of workers of the social assistance developed by the Brazilian federal government in 2000, emphasizing its implications for the political-pedagogical direction of professional intervention. The focus of the research concentrates on activities undertaken by the Ministry of Social Development and Combating Hunger (MDS) in the area of professional qualifications, including the national training programs and in the range of development initiatives to postgraduate courses, evaluation research and university extension. This objective was pursued through a search with documentary and bibliographic sources, based on the critical-dialectical perspective. Analyzed the book Concepção e gestão da proteção social não contributiva no Brasil, organized to support the first national training program. Among the documents examined, stand out the handouts of the courses, the executive summaries of the evaluation research, public notices, calls and results of post-graduate and university extension. It started from the hypothesis that the ideologies and educational requirements for formation-capacitation initiatives are part of the ideological field of social-liberalism. Analysis of documentary and bibliographic sources aimed to determine the ideologies and political-pedagogical trends studying: (1) the rationalizations that provided intelligibility for social policy, (2) theories aimed at explaining social assistance and (3) the implications of adoption of concepts of risk and social vulnerability to the reappointment of the methodologies of social assistance work. The research identified that the social-liberal ideas on social assistance lead to a metamorphosis of ideas about their goals. These tend to be displaced from treatment of the social necessities (or range of social minimum) for "capacity development" of individuals and families, whose condition is then understood as situation of "vulnerability and risk". This is because the social-liberalism operates a change in reading on poverty and ways of her confronting. From this social-liberal view, social assistance compose the "opportunity structure" provided to supplant the "vulnerability and social risk" through "capacity development" of assisted families and individuals. This dislocation induces the construction of social-assistance methods with strong appeal for individualizing and psychologizing, where the overcoming of "social vulnerability" was mortgaged to personal changes in terms of educational factors, professional ability, entrepreneurial attitudes and skills. To which are imbricated the formal-abstract rationalizations, the deseconomização and the depoliticization of historical interpretation.

Les droits sociaux se construisent en plusieurs temps à partir d’évolutions du système juridico-politique qui sont la conséquence de phénomènes sociaux encouragés par des courants philosophiques, religieux, idéologiques ou de mouvements sociaux. En ce sens, bien que les droits sociaux soient récents, les idées qui constituent leur socle fondamental sont assez anciennes. Dans le cas de l’Europe occidentale elles datent de l’Ancien régime ; dans le cas de l’Amérique andine, elles ont une origine précoloniale. D’ailleurs certains de ces principes précoloniaux semblent se manifester encore de nos jours, comme c’est le cas au Pérou ; et ont été mis en avant avec le nouveau constitutionnalisme latino-américain du début du XXIème siècle. Cela signifierait donc que la source idéologique des droits sociaux n’est pas forcément républicaine ni occidentale, même si l’époque de son développement le plus important surgit durant des périodes républicaines. Il est donc intéressant d’observer comment depuis l’indépendance des États andins, les idées européennes ont eu une influence prépondérante dans la construction (organique et axiologique) des systèmes juridiques de ces nouveaux États ; mais qu’il subsiste, sinon un modèle social originel, du moins quelques piliers d’un système juridique inhérent à la culture andine. / Social rights are constructed in several stages from changes in the legal-political system that are the consequence of social phenomena encouraged by philosophical, religious, ideological or social movements. In this sense, although social rights are recent, the ideas that constitute their basic foundation are quite old. In the case of Western Europe, they date from the Old Regime; in the case of Andean America, they have a pre-colonial origin. Moreover, some of these precolonial principles seem to be still present today, as is the case in Peru; and have been put forward with the new Latin American constitutionalism of the early twenty-first century. This would mean that the ideological source of social rights is not necessarily republican or western, even if the time of its most important development arises during republican periods. It is therefore interesting to observe how, since the independence of the Andean States, European ideas have had a preponderant influence in the construction (organic and axiological) of the legal systems of these new States; but that there remains, if not an original social model, at least some pillars of a legal system inherent to the Andean culture.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação. / The Brazilian Democratic Social Party (PSDB) was founded in 1987 as a center-left political party option. According to the founders, the party was created with the proposal to be embedded within the social democracy. However, since its foundation the party has two main features that make it completely different from what we know about the European social democracies parties. Firstly, it was not concerned with working class movements. Secondly, since its very beginning, the PSDB has been a defender of market liberalism. On the one hand, the economic and political context in which the PSDB was established could justify the adoption of its name and initial position. Nevertheless, on the other r hand, in its history, the party has continuously demonstrated its affinities with the neoliberal ideology. This is a fact that could be observed in face of the positioning of its Members of the Parliament and in the policies that have been implemented in PSDBs Federal Government mandatory years. Through analysis of the PSDBs documents, carried out in support of this thesis, it is possible to see that no paradigmatic change has occurred in the Partys history. In fact the PSDB has always showed in its policies manifestos proximity with market policies since its foundation.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação. / The Brazilian Democratic Social Party (PSDB) was founded in 1987 as a center-left political party option. According to the founders, the party was created with the proposal to be embedded within the social democracy. However, since its foundation the party has two main features that make it completely different from what we know about the European social democracies parties. Firstly, it was not concerned with working class movements. Secondly, since its very beginning, the PSDB has been a defender of market liberalism. On the one hand, the economic and political context in which the PSDB was established could justify the adoption of its name and initial position. Nevertheless, on the other r hand, in its history, the party has continuously demonstrated its affinities with the neoliberal ideology. This is a fact that could be observed in face of the positioning of its Members of the Parliament and in the policies that have been implemented in PSDBs Federal Government mandatory years. Through analysis of the PSDBs documents, carried out in support of this thesis, it is possible to see that no paradigmatic change has occurred in the Partys history. In fact the PSDB has always showed in its policies manifestos proximity with market policies since its foundation.

This work deals with the different concepts of justice that are presented by works of John Rawls and Robert Nozick. Seeing that they are liberal authors, the first chapter is devoted to liberalism and its forms. Rawls is presented as a supporter of modern liberalism and Nozick is presented as a representative of classical liberalism, concretely libertarianism. The second chapter discusses how both authors describe natural state. The third chapter is devoted to it how Rawls and Nozick talk about conception of liberty. The following chapter describes and compares their theories of justice: justice as fairness and justice as entitlement. The fifth chapter deals with the final reflection on the theories of both authors. There are presented various reactions and interpretations of the mentioned theories. At the same time, there is shown considerable asset of Rawls?s Theory of Justice and Nozick?s Anarchy, State and Utopia which both influenced political-philosophical discussion.

La thèse vise à appréhender la situation de la social-démocratie européenne et son évolution au cours des deux dernières décennies. Adoptant une approche comparatiste, elle repose sur l’étude du Parti socialiste français, du Parti social-démocrate allemand et du Parti travailliste britannique. En partant du projet de Troisième voie proposé par Tony Blair et les modernisateurs du New Labour, il s’agit de montrer la mutation doctrinale et programmatique de ces partis. Ceux-ci, avec des divergences et des spécificités nationales, ont, dans les programmes adoptés et les politiques gouvernementales menées, convergé vers une même orientation d’ensemble, marquée par un accueil beaucoup plus favorable aux thèses libérales. Cette prise de distance par rapport au modèle traditionnel pour tendre vers un paradigme social-libéral ne signifie pas pour autant l’abandon des valeurs propres à la social-démocratie. Les partis concernés ont essayé de s’adapter au nouveau contexte économique et social tout en préservant les principes et les idéaux sociaux sur lesquels ils se sont construits. Le socle identitaire de cette famille politique demeure ainsi largement préservé. Cette évolution idéologique s’accompagne d’une mutation des organisations partisanes qui l’accomplissent. Celles-ci ont connu à la fois une modification de leur sociologie, électorale et militante(caractérisée par une désaffection des soutiens traditionnels), et une diminution de leur ancrage dans la société liée à la baisse du nombre d’adhérents et à l’éloignement par rapport aux syndicats. Leur place au sein des systèmes partisans nationaux est également remise en cause : dans la recherche du bon positionnement sur l’échiquier politique, la question des alliances avec les autres partis constitue alors un enjeu essentiel. Le mode de fonctionnement de ces organisations a enfin lui aussi connu des modifications significatives. Les réformes internes menées par les dirigeants tendent à valoriser l’adhérent et accroître son rôle ; de nouvelles pratiques militantes, plus individualistes, apparaissent. La fonction et la spécificité de ces partis s’en trouvent diminuées. / The thesis aims to understand the situation of european social democracy and its evolution over the last two decades. Taking a comparative approach, it is based on the study of French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Beginning from the Third Way project proposed by Tony Blair and New Labour modernizers, the matter is to show the doctrinal and programmatic transformation of these parties. These, with some differences and national characteristics, in the programs and policies undertaken, have converged towards the same overall direction, marked by a much more favorable reception to liberal theories. This distancing from the traditional model to move towards a social-liberal paradigm does not necessary mean the abandonment of values belonging to the Social Democrats. The parties involved have tried to adapt to new economic and social context while preserving the principles and social ideals on which they are built. The base of this political family’s identity remains largely well preserved. The ideological evolution goes with a mutation of partisan organizations who realize it. These have experienced both a change in their sociology, electoral and activist (characterized by a dis like of traditional supporters), and a decrease from their roots in society related to the decline in membership and distance against unions. Their position within the party systems is also questionned : in search of good positioning on the political spectrum, the question of alliances with other parties is then a key issue. The modus operandi of these organizations has finally also experienced significant changes. Internal reforms undertaken by the leaders tend to enhance the member and increase its role and new militant practices, more individualistic, appear. The function and specificity of these parties have diminished.

Since then, the modern technology and its achievements has served the nature of trade to begin with, the middle class asks, whose core forms the hand worker movement, as the center of interest for science and politics. A craftsman movement, which is since 1848 rolling along, is today still not ended and the movement still exists and is alive. The hand worker asks, who arose to 1848 to meet, the chronic suffers who became so for decades. The physician, who saw a chronic person, can usually indicate not alone by looking at on welfare. One must look at the developing story for Evil and his life story to know the patient, in order to point to a way to recovery.More over the craftsmen and the craftsmen movement spoken about daily, indicated, in order to find a symptom, which makes itself too faulty in the given instant to be disturbingly most valid, is written to cure and to leave. A detailed connection, an end representation of the craftsmen movement is, however, up to the hour still not finished.In the following still the attempt of such a representation is to be made, for the too the period of 1848/1869.Our sources are particularly purely beside from national commission collections and congresses, are from the Craftsman, who are the other persons, who wanted to take position in the problem of the Craftsman or had daily papers, magazines and books, which are dedicated partly to individual branches of industry, partly the entire Handwork industry of the individual country. In addition to the facts, which follow from flight writings and from one-sided combat literature, come one sided in the pursuit of religion and on politics.An important source in the history of the Handworker Movement must be the legislation. As soon as the craftsmen movement forms, they accepted the seriously public damage the government issuing a new law could bring, an order in such a way could pour Oil onto the waves. The relation between cause and effect between the particulars far the craftsman movement can never clearly completely be, when a factor this important is let out. But not only the finished industrial law, also its developing story and its motives must be regarded, in order that the movement of the German Handwork Movement be completely known.