There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.

The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.

The study focuses on and explores the Southern African Development Community’s activities to determine whether the intended objectives have been accomplished as stated in its purpose statement. The study argues that the achievement of the Southern Africa Development Community’s purpose statement is important with regard to the implementation of developmental initiatives. This is because the SADC objectives are measured in the operationalisation and implementation of policies and the operationalisation of key activities. The Southern African region is rich in natural resources but lacks the political will and capacity for the institutionalisation of key processes to, among others, alleviate poverty and HIV/AIDS and address human security matters. This study revealed that SADC did not achieve all its intended objectives. Several challenges, such as the full convertibility of regional currencies among member states still need to be addressed. One of the major challenges impacting negatively on the implementation and completion of SADC’s projects are the capacity, skills and expertise to drive key business processes. This study has found that in spite of complexities and challenges to implement SADC’s policies and programmes as stated in its purpose statement, there is a need to align the member states’ priorities with SADC’s objectives to maximise impact and overall successful execution thereof. Coupled with this challenge is another crucial challenge relating to the SADC structure, mechanisms and methodologies that are used for achieving SADC’s objectives. The study revealed that the structures, mechanisms and methodologies are inadequate to successfully implement and evaluate SADC’s projects. Consequently, this study proposes some reforms in SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Plan that should be considered and integrated into the national plans, budgets and priorities of all SADC member states. Critically, it is important to ensure the alignment and buy-in of member states with regard to the development and implementation of SADC’s projects and programmes in the Southern African region. Firstly, the study proposes that partnerships with research institutions should be explored to strengthen the limited capacity of SADC’s Secretariat. Benchmarking and best practices with other international government organisations such as the African Union and the United Nations will provide a platform to improve the current activities of SADC to be more focused towards the desired outcomes. Secondly, v SADC’s activities that are linked to its objectives should be intensified through the mobilisation of resources and expertise that are geared to all key result areas to improve regional integration and ultimately the achievement of SADC’s objectives as stated in its purpose statement. / Public Administration and Management / M.P.A.

This study uses annual data for the period 1975-2014 for South Africa and Botswana, and 1979-2013 for Lesotho to examine empirically the impact of trade openness on economic growth in these three South African Customs Union (SACU) countries. The motivation for this study is that SACU countries are governed by the common agreement for the union that oversees the movement of goods that enter the SACU area. However, although these countries are in a com-mon union, they have quite different levels of development. Based on the country’s level of development, Lesotho is a lower middle-income and least developed country, whereas Botswana and South Africa are upper middle-income economies. Thus, these disparities in the levels of economic development of SACU countries i are expected to have different implications in relation to the extent to which trade openness affects economic growth. It is within this background that the current study seeks to examine what impact trade openness has on economic growth in each of the three selected countries. To check the robustness of the empirical results, this study uses four equations based on four different indicators of trade openness to examine the linkage between trade openness and economic growth. While Equation 1, Equation 2 and Equation 3 employ trade-based indicators of openness, Equation 4 uses a modified version of the UNCTAD (2012a) trade openness index that incorporates differences in country size and geography. Using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration and error-correction modelling, the study found that the impact of trade openness on economic growth varies across the three SACU countries. Based on the results for the first three equations, the study found that trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in South Africa and Botswana, whereas it has no significant impact on economic growth in Lesotho. Based on Equation 4 results, the study found that after taking the differences in country size and geography into account, trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in Botswana, but an insignificant impact in South Africa and Lesotho. For South Africa and Botswana, the main recommendation from this study is that policy makers should pursue policies that promote total trade to increase economic growth in both the short and the long run. For Lesotho, the study recommends, among other things, the adoption of policies aimed at enhancing human capital and infrastructural development as well as the broadening of exports, so as to enable the economy to grow to a threshold level necessary for the realisation of significant gains from trade. / Economics

This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study explores the role of a foreign ministry within the context of diplomacy and regional cooperation, focusing on the delivery of regional public goods. Diplomacy is described as a state of mind, an approach to the conduct and/or management of international relations that emphasises the timeous and pacific application of intelligence and tact in the making and implementation of foreign policy. As the custodian of diplomacy and diplomatic practice within a national government, the foreign ministry constitutes the primary grouping of expertise on international matters, responsible for the execution of foreign policy but also involved in the process of foreign policy making. Regional cooperation is defined as an issue-focused arrangement, in terms of which participating states may cooperate for a joint development project and facilitation of exchange of information or best practices. Within the context of regional cooperation, regional public goods are defined as any goods, commodities, services, system of rules or policy regimes that are public in nature, that generate shared benefits for the participating states and whose production is a result of collective action by the participating states. Arguably, the provision of regional public goods is considered the most effective way for regional economic communities to reduce poverty and to develop economies of scale. As an assumption, this study contends that, because of the need for regional public goods agenda-setting and policy prioritising, and based on the utility of diplomacy, the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) plays a central and catalytic role within the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This assumption is described and analysed at the regional strategic level, specifically related to the responsibility of SADC foreign ministries in terms of the management of regionalisation in Southern Africa; and at the national operational level, emphasising the role of DIRCO vis-à-vis the delivery of regional public goods. At the regional strategic level, it was found that diplomacy serves as an institution of regional relations; as an instrument of regional foreign policy; as an administrative function in SADC, specifically related to the responsibilities of foreign ministries; as an instrument in the formulation of regional foreign policy; and as a dialogue between regional actors. At the national operational level, it is evident that diplomacy serves as an institution in DIRCO‟s management of regional public goods delivery; as an instrument within DIRCO‟s participation in the execution of policies towards regional public goods delivery; as an administrative function within DIRCO; as an instrument in terms of DIRCO‟s role towards the formulation of policies towards regional public goods delivery; and as a dialogue between DIRCO and key regional actors in terms of regional public goods delivery. Due to the urgency and priority accorded to the delivery of regional public goods, DIRCO must consider the establishment of a core capability specialising in the technical competencies related to specific programmes within the delivery of regional public goods. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

MA (English Literature) / Department of English / This study examines a selection of Post-2000 Southern African prison narratives. It primarily focuses on fictional narratives that were written in South Africa and Zimbabwe. Little critical attention has been given to fictional prison writing in Southern Africa considering that much critical attention has been accorded to autobiographies by political prisoners. The demise of autobiographical writing has led to the rise in the production of prison novels, hence the need to examine this evolving genre. This study is driven by the need to examine the construction and representation of subjectivity in the selected narratives. It explores how the prison is experienced, by paying attention to issues of criminality, identity, gender and power. This study begins with the examination of criminality and the representation of the function of the prison in Red Ink by Angela Makholwa (2007), followed by the exploration of gender and identity issues in A Book of Memory by Petina Gappah (2015). It further examines how the notions of power and counter-discourse are portrayed in The Violent Gestures of Life by Tshifhiwa Given Mukwevho (2014). This study employs the method of close textual analysis of the selected narratives. It is underpinned by post-colonial theory, the paradigm of the Panopticon which is foregrounded by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish: The Birth of Prison (1977) and Daniel Roux’s perceptions of the prison in Doing Time under Apartheid (2013). This study contends that notions of detention and imprisonment continue to play a central role in the production of selfhood in literary works. It is clear in the study that the prison is used as an institution to critique different phenomena regarding the prison experience. In this study, I clearly show that the selected narratives can be read as platforms for resistance against social ills that prevail in the post-apartheid/post-colonial society. I also argue that there is a thin line between fiction and non-fiction, apartheid/colonial and post-apartheid/post-colonial prison systems. The narratives I explore in this study reveal more continuities than discontinuities from the apartheid/colonial prisons. / NRF

>Magister Scientiae - MSc / As human beings we are curious about our origin and ancestry. A curiosity has led to an investigation of human evolution and expansion across the world by means of population genetics and phylo-genetics by evaluating a region in Southern Africa that is largely unknown. The objective of this study was to develop a quick, inexpensive and accurate hierarchical diagnostic screening system of the MtDNA phylogenetic tree, AI-SNPs in the mtDNA genome by using High Resolution Melting analysis to evaluate the population composition and ancestral haplogroups of Southern African populations in Limpopo. The admixture between the ‘Khoesan’ hunter-gatherers, herders and the Bantu speaking populations led to population growth and expansion in Limpopo. This has contributed to populations settling in Limpopo and has thus shaped the ancestral contemporary populations. No research on these individuals residing in Limpopo has been done before, thus an investigation of their ancestral origin was necessary. A total of 760 saliva samples were collected from individuals residing in Limpopo. Only 500 saliva samples were extracted by means of an optimized salting out technique. Five hundred extracted genomic samples were genotyped by means of a quick, inexpensive High-resolution melting analysis. Of the 500 samples, the genotyping results showed 95 individuals derived for the L3 haplogroup which gives a 19% ratio of individuals screened with Multiplex 1. Only 56 individuals were derived for the L1 haplogroup, which gives a percentage of 11%. A total of 249 individuals were derived for the L0 haplogroup, making up a 50% of the total individuals genotyped. Only 100 samples were derived for L0a, making up 20% of individuals screened with Multiplex 1. Of the 95 samples derived for the L3 haplogroup, the results showed 87 individuals to be ancestral for both M and N, making up 91.57% of individuals screened with Multiplex 2. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/. In population genetics using SNPs to infer population history and ancestral origin has become significant, this study allowed researchers to evaluate population groups by investigating their genetic markers and the application of the results allowed for downstream analyses. Finally, this study provides a quick and simple screening method for the selection of lineages that are of interest for further studies.

No description available.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.