This dissertation explores how recent feminist authors uses their literature to create, sustain, and expand the feminist movement through their creation of communities and readerships. This project consists of four case studies, each of which examines how a feminist author represents feminist identity, where she locates herself in relation to the mainstream marketplace, which strategies she uses to circulate her representation, and what forms of small and large feminist communities she is able to create. To develop this analysis of feminist literary public culture, I focus on playwright Eve Ensler and her work with the V-Day movement, novelist Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez and her expansion of the chick lit genre, poet Lorna Dee Cervantes and her online small press, and the members of spoken word group Sister Spit and their traveling road show. These individual case studies, taken as a whole, speak to the ways that feminist authors are engaging mainstream and feminist readers in ways that create and energize feminist communities. / text

<p>This study concerns school-development and the political public sphere in a Swedish context. It draws on an earlier study in which school-leaders expressed political signals in relation to school-development as being ambiguous and contradictive. On one hand they saw a political support for openness and dialogue in school. On the other hand they perceived control and competition. Another point of departure for the study is what tentatively was suggested as a shift in focus for the state government of schools during the 1990:s, from decentralization as such to an increased emphasis on control of its consequences. The overriding aim of the study was to illuminate how this shift could be understood regarding the relation between school-development and the political public sphere.</p><p>The study was conducted within a larger, national project where almost 900 schools worked without the national time table. Policy texts behind the governments’ decision on starting the project were used in order to describe and analyse school policy. School-leaders´ accounts on school-work and school-development in the project was used for analysis and description of school practice.</p><p>Habermas’ theory of communicative action, particularly his notions on “the welfare-state crisis” as an opening for a revitalized political public sphere grounded upon communicative action, was used as a theoretical frame for the study.</p><p>The results support the assumption that school policy, as formulated in the studied documents, did shift over time from a focus on decentralization to an emphasis on control of its consequences. The school-leaders, however, gave voice to a school practice where the importance of a communicative direction was emphasized. The overall conclusion is that while a vital political public sphere in Habermas´ terms is supported in school practice, school policy seems to direct school development in the opposite direction, thereby closing the opportunity for school to support a revitalized public sphere.</p>

This thesis argues that the elite and urban women leaders of the Palestinian women's movement neglected to engage rural women and women living in refugee camps as their equals in a women's movement. Further, despite women's active presence in the public sphere, the sphere remained defined in masculine terms. As a result, Palestinian women, as "guests" in the domain of men, were easily pushed out after they had served their purpose in the nationalist crisis. What is remarkable is that even after Palestinian men reclaimed the public sphere, Palestinian women remained politically active in the private sphere. In order to understand how this was possible, we must look more closely at the terms "public sphere" and "private sphere".

In recent years, political legitimacy as a concept distinct from full justice has received much attention. Yet in addition to querying the specific conditions legitimacy requires, there is a more general question: What is legitimacy even about? How ought we identify and conceptualize these conditions? According to the regnant justificatory liberal (JL) approach, legitimate legal coercion is based on reasons all reasonable persons can accept and JL is explicated in terms of a hypothetical procedure. Alas, Part I explains why JL is inadequate. First, I argue that it de-legitimizes all coercion. Second, it undercuts the proposition that there are certain basic rights which must be protected for legitimacy. Third, I suggest that JL structurally involves paternalism. Where should theorists turn? My perhaps surprising proposal is that they turn to the Christian Reformed (CR) tradition of social thought. As I take it, this tradition is composed of such figures as Augustine and Calvin, Abraham Kuyper and Herman Dooyeweerd, and, more recently, Francis Schaeffer. It has long theorized such issues as church-state separation and permissible coercion, and is replete with conceptual resources. Thus, Part II reconstructs an alternative legitimacy framework out of these resources. The central CR insight is this: legitimacy is a function of preventing basic wrongs. Legal coercion is only necessary "by reason of sin". I develop this insight in terms of three ideas. First, those wrongs which must prevented as conditions of legitimacy are objective wrongs, obtaining universally regardless of consent. Second, they presuppose some view of basic teleology. A teleological view is needed to elaborate contentful basic rights non-arbitrarily, but only a basic teleological view insofar as legitimacy is distinct from full justice. Third, I suggest these wrongs are fruitfully understood as constituting an exogenous standard, one that is neither the product of actual nor hypothetical self-legislation. Part III brings JL and CR legitimacy into dialogue. Understanding legitimacy in terms of objective, teleological, and exogenous wrongs, respectively, helps us avoid each of the unacceptable consequences of JL covered in Part I. Legitimacy is better conceptualized in CR terms; preventing such wrongs is what legitimacy is about. / Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2013-11-13 04:18:01.642

As a result of manufacturing processes, real surfaces have roughness and surface curvature. The real contact occurs only over microscopic contacts, which are typically only a few percent of the apparent contact area. Because of the surface curvature of contacting bodies, the macrocontact area is formed, the area where microcontacts are distributed randomly. The heat flow must pass through the macrocontact and then microcontacts to transfer from one body to another. This phenomenon leads to a relatively high temperature drop across the interface. Thermal contact resistance (TCR) is a complex interdisciplinary problem, which includes geometrical, mechanical, and thermal analyses. Each part includes a micro and a macro scale sub-problem. Analytical, experimental, and numerical models have been developed to predict TCR since the 1930's. Through comparison with more than 400 experimental data points, it is shown that the existing models are applicable only to the limiting cases and none of them covers the general non-conforming rough contact. The objective of this study is to develop a compact analytical model for predicting TCR for the entire range of non-conforming contacts, i. e. , from conforming rough to smooth sphere-flat in a vacuum. The contact mechanics of the joint must be known prior to solving the thermal problem. A new mechanical model is developed for spherical rough contacts. The deformation modes of the surface asperities and the bulk material of contacting bodies are assumed to be plastic and elastic, respectively. A closed set of governing relationships is derived. An algorithm and a computer code are developed to solve the relationships numerically. Applying Buckingham Pi theorem, the independent non-dimensional parameters that describe the contact problem are specified. A general pressure distribution is proposed that covers the entire spherical rough contacts, including the Hertzian smooth contact. Simple correlations are proposed for the general pressure distribution and the radius of the macrocontact area, as functions of the non-dimensional parameters. These correlations are compared with experimental data collected by others and good agreement is observed. Also a criterion is proposed to identify the flat surface, where the influence of surface curvature on the contact pressure is negligible. Thermal contact resistance is considered as the superposition of macro and micro thermal components. The flux tube geometry is chosen as the basic element in the thermal analysis of microcontacts. Simple expressions for determining TCR of non-conforming rough joints are derived which cover the entire range of TCR by using the general pressure distribution and the flux tube solution. A complete parametric study is performed; it is seen that there is a value of surface roughness that minimizes TCR. The thermal model is verified with more than 600 data points, collected by many researchers during the last 40 years, and good agreement is observed. A new approach is taken to study the thermal joint resistance. A novel model is developed for predicting the TCR of conforming rough contacts employing scale analysis methods. It is shown that the microcontacts can be modeled as heat sources on a half-space for engineering applications. The scale analysis model is extended to predict TCR over the entire range of non-conforming rough contacts by using the general pressure distribution developed in the mechanical model. It is shown that the surface curvature and contact pressure distribution have no effect on the effective micro thermal resistance. A new non-dimensional parameter is introduced as a criterion to identify the three regions of TCR, i. e. , the conforming rough, the smooth spherical, and the transition regions. An experimental program is designed and data points are collected for spherical rough contacts in a vacuum. The radius of curvature of the tested specimens are relatively large (in the order of m) and can not be seen by the naked eye. However, even at relatively large applied loads the measured joint resistance (the macro thermal component) is still large which shows the importance of surface out-of-flatness/curvature. Collected data are compared with the scale analysis model and excellent agreement is observed. The maximum relative difference between the model and the collected data is 6. 8 percent and the relative RMS difference is approximately 4 percent. Additionally, the proposed scale analysis model is compared/verified with more than 880 TCR data points collected by many researchers. These data cover a wide range of materials, surface characteristics, thermal and mechanical properties, mean joint temperature, directional heat transfer effect, and contact between dissimilar metals. The RMS difference between the model and all data is less than 13. 8 percent.

Modern day technology aspires to always progress. This progression leads to a lot of research in any significant area of improvement. There is a growing amount of end-users in the wireless spectrum which has led to a need for improved bandwidth usage and BER values. In other words, new technologies which would increase the capacity of wireless systems are proving to be a crucial point of research in these modern times. Different combinations of multiuser receivers are evaluated to determine performance under normal working conditions by comparing their BER performance charts. Multiple input, multiple output (MIMO) systems are incorporated into the system to utilise the increased capacity rates achievable using the MIMO configuration. The effect of MIMO on the technologies associated with modern day technological standards such as CDMA and OFDM have been investigated due to the significant capacity potentials these technologies normally exhibit in a single antenna scenario. An in-depth comparison is established before comparison is made with a conventional maximum likelihood (ML) detector. The complexity of the ML detector makes its realization evaluated in such a manner to achieve the same or near ML solution but with lower computational complexity. This was achieved using a proposed modification of the Schnorr-Euchner Sphere decoding algorithm (SE-SDA). The proposed sphere decoder (P-SD) adopts a modification of the radius utilised in the SE-SDA to obtain a near ML solution at a much lower complexity compared to the conventional ML decoder. The P-SD was configured to work in different MIMO antenna configurations. The need for the highest possible data rates from the available limited spectrum led to my research into the multi-user detection scenario and MIMO.

The thesis explores the role and impact of the internet on Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora political activism, focusing on both the experiences of political activists and on an analysis of web content related to diaspora activism. The central argument of the thesis is based around the relationship between political agents and cyberspace. The thesis argues that the political strategies and tactics adopted in the Tamil diasporan political sphere have changed with an increased dependence on the internet changing with it the politics and lives of individual activists. Cyberspace is presented as a site of power struggle with power as both an objective and source in micro-political struggles. The thesis also highlights the double sense of space attributed to cyberspace, both as a space facilitating political activism and as a qualitatively new space for politics. It traces the manifestation of violence in cyberspace based on its extensive reach and the collateral damage it can cause in political conflicts. Also the thesis argues that these intense web engagements for domination and resistance within the diaspora communities cause the emergence of new political priorities in Tamil diaspora politics. These do not parallel political developments in the conflict back in Sri Lanka. The thesis is based on research conducted from 2005 to 2008 during heightened rivalries between supporters of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and dissident Tamil diaspora political activists which involved the extensive use of cyberspace for political purposes. The empirical research consisted of an integrated framework of online and offline research. The offline research was based on eight months of fieldwork in London including interviews with Tamil diaspora political activists across the spectrum from pro-LTTE to anti-LTTE dissidents. The online research was based on the technique of Web Sphere Analysis, which enables a framing of web content into a coherent unit of analysis.

The increasingly politicized presence of Muslim communities in Britain today is raising issues not only for society in general but for other faith communities as well. Among these the Evangelical constituency, including the members of various Christian diasporas, is struggling to find a coherent response which is true to its Bible-based, activist roots. This thesis discusses the relationship of religion to the theoretical notion of the public sphere. Specifically it hypothesizes an Evangelical micro public sphere as the framework for an empirical exploration of the responses of British Evangelicals to Muslims since the events of 11th September 2001. It describes the formation, composition and discourse of this sphere drawing on data gathered from books, articles, lectures and interviews with key participants. The data reveal a marked tension, indeed a polarization, amongst Evangelicals, with an increasingly sharp disagreement between ‘confrontationalists’ and ‘conciliators’. A detailed analysis of the interaction of this sphere with Muslims, the national media and church leaders follows, leading to a concluding discussion of the future trajectory of the British Evangelical movement. Whilst it is still too early to say whether Evangelicalism will be strengthened or weakened, its encounter with Islam is likely to be an increasingly significant factor in British public life for the foreseeable future.

The dissertation examines how economic matters were depicted between 1770 and 1820 in two European kingdoms. Britain and Sweden are studied during this Age of Revolutions from the state’s perspective; state-managed newspapers are examined, one from Britain, the London Gazette, and two from Sweden, Stockholms Post-Tidningar and Inrikes Tidningar. These were stable types of media that transformed slowly alongside the changing popular press. State-managed newspapers were produced both to inform and manage the loyalty of populations. Aside from the continued development of the centralized state, this was also the time when Enlightenment ideals were spreading, the public sphere was transforming, notions of the nation and nationalism were developing, and communication strategies were changing; these concepts are the basis for the model of the development of modernity used in this study. Economic matters are seen as existing in a value-realm model that gradually disintegrated over time, expressing the birth of the modern world. This model included political, social-cultural, and technological values, in addition to economic matters. This disintegration involved a sense of uniformity. In both Britain and Sweden, economic objects, practices, ideas, and discourses received similar treatments over time. This process was, however, non-linear and not complete by the dawn of industrial transformation.   The first two chapters discuss the theory and methodological approaches. The form, order, and content of the newspapers are analyzed to show how economic matters became separate or unembedded to varying degrees over a fifty-year time span. British and Swedish descriptions are compared, as well as how the other state was portrayed in the opposing newspapers. These observations are described in three empirical chapters, relating events and analyses from 1770 to 1775, 1790 to 1795, and 1815 to 1820. The results of this dissertation show how early modern economic matters can be viewed beyond quantitative contents as an expression of becoming modern, offering complimentary context. Advances in thinking about data generated modern numerical indicators, also reflected by form and order qualities. The unembeddedness of economic matters was an ongoing and non-linear process that was expressed by increased abstractness, separation, and emphasis.

There is a significant number of politicians around the globe who demonstrate the conventions of personal style in their political agenda. Norway’s Prime Minister, Jens Stoltenberg or United States’ President, Barack Obama is a few examples. Personalization of politics was reflected through their Twitter account in the notion of content, pictures, and language tone. In the Indonesian political context, Ridwan Kamil became visible as a prominent leader and received immense popularity on Twitter. Social media platforms have changed the way politicians and citizens interact. They are a platform where individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content. Especially with Twitter, certain features such reply, retweet, and hashtag are powerful tools to integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter.  This research is conducted by using mixed-method methodologies. The results from content analysis and discourse analysis will complete each other. The results of the content analysis have shown that what Kamil shares on his Twitter profile is mostly about his philosophy about good governance; social media has become a shortcut in the bureaucracy process and at the same time he manages to seem ordinary and authentic with sharing his personal preferences about music or popular culture phenomenon. Discourse analysis is complementing these findings by showing how Kamil deploys language to produce a certain identity. Kamil is crafting his social media skills and shifting from formal to informal tone at every occasion and construct his persona as professional, fun, and caring. All of these results are important inquiries to describe the politician’s presence on Twitter. As the effect of truth, the Twitter user can still relate to Kamil as an ordinary human being. Focusing on the extent to which the content and users’ personality re-fashion political marketing, the study propose how politician integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter. As social media grows globally, the phenomenon of politics and social media also appears in Indonesian political sphere especially Twitter as a new space to offer political rhetoric, posturing, and presentational techniques for political agendas.