Thesis--Cornell. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 341-350.

Thesis--Cornell. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 341-350.

Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-06-19T14:51:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-06-20T14:10:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-20T14:10:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Juliana Cristina da Rosa.pdf: 57231391 bytes, checksum: b61b3fc7326049ae73411fbfc273c56e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-15 / CAPES / O Araguaia mato-grossense fez parte da Amazônia Legal e concebida como área de expansão econômica sobre territórios considerados “vazios” por parte do planejamento de governos, sobretudo no período de Regime Militar. No entanto, sendo fronteira o Araguaia mato-grossense é o lugar de alteridade e conflito entre populações existentes que tinham domínio da terra de trabalho e migrantes que passam a tomar posse e adquirir na forma de propriedades ou terra de negócio. O encontro de diferentes agentes sócio-históricos como indígenas, posseiros, peões, grileiros, empresários, fazendeiros, comerciantes, militantes e outros e que são protagonistas da luta pela terra. Nessa região, o caso analisado envolve uma parcela dos indígenas Xavante e posseiros da Suiá e seus aliados na luta pela terra Marãiwatsédé. A origem do conflito remete-se ao processo de compra de parte do território, no qual viviam grupos da etnia Xavante, de 695 mil ha pela empresa agropecuária Suiá Missú em meados da década de 1960. A consolidação do empreendimento agropecuário resulta na deportação dos Xavante em 1966. O ano de 1992 é o ano dos grandes acontecimentos: ocorreu a devolução da área remanescente de 195 mil ha por parte da empresa estatal italiana ENI Agip Petroli aos Xavante durante a Rio 92, e no mesmo ano, políticos locais organizaram e incentivaram uma invasão da área remanescente da Suiá Missú, atraindo tanto posseiros interessados na terra para morar e plantar, como de grileiros e comerciantes de terras. A Agip do Brasil, filial brasileira da empresa, discordou da devolução e criou estratégias para vender a área remanescente da então agropecuária Suiá para que supostamente fosse realizada uma regularização fundiária através de compra de títulos ou do direito de posse. Ainda em 1992, um laudo antropológico delimitou a área que seria devolvida aos Xavante, tornou-se um instrumento de luta por ser produzido a partir da versão da história dos indígenas, através da memória do lugar como arma na luta pela terra de Marãiwatsédé. Paralelamente, os posseiros da Suiá adotaram como local de resistência o distrito do Posto da Mata, se organizaram politicamente por meio de uma associação denominada APROSUM e intensificaram a luta através de batalhas jurídicas, batalha de peritos e a batalha midiática, que” forneceram “armas” e possibilitaram a construção histórica e social de um acontecimento monstro que foi a desintrusão ocorrida em 2012. Os principais acontecimentos que entrecruzam o processo de luta pela terra de Marãiwatsédé tem como sistema de referência a concepção de terra como propriedade privada destinada ao aproveitamento econômico e fonte de desenvolvimento regional. Essa referência aparece em discursos na reunião da invasão em 1992 e nas narrativas da mídia local na desintrusão de 2012. A devolução da terra aos Xavante em 1992 e a desintrusão dos posseiros em 2012 tem como base a concepção de território tradicionalmente ocupado colocados na Constituição de 1988. Portanto, a luta pela terra Marãiwatsédé é uma luta entre diferentes concepções de uso da terra. / The Araguaia was part of the Amazon and conceived as economic expansion area on territories considered "empty" by the planning of governments, particularly in the military regime period. However, being the border Araguaia is the place of otherness and conflict between existing populations that had the field of employment land and migrants who come to take hold and get in the form of property or land deal. The meeting of different socio-historical agents as Indians, settlers, pedestrians, squatters, entrepreneurs, farmers, traders , activists and others and are protagonists of the struggle for land. In this region, the case analyzed involves a portion of the Xavante Indians and settlers of Suiá and their allies in Marãiwatsédé land. The origin of the conflict refers to the part of the buying process of the territory in which they lived groups of Xavante ethnicity, 695,000 ha by agricultural company Suiá Missú in the mid of 1960. The consolidation of the agricultural enterprise results in the deportation of Xavante in 1966. the year 1992 is the year of great events: was the return of the remaining area of 195,000 ha by the Italian company ENI Agip Petroli state to Xavante during Rio 92, and the same year, local politicians organized and encouraged a remaining area of the invasion of Suiá Missú, attracting both squatters interested in the land to live and grow, as squatters and land traders. Brazil Agip, the Brazilian subsidiary of the company disagreed with the return and created strategies to sell the remaining area of the then agricultural Suiá for a land regularization supposed to be held by purchase of securities or ownership rights. In 1992, an anthropological report delimited the area that would be returned to the Xavante, it has become an instrument of struggle to be produced from the version of the story of the natives, through the memory of the place as a weapon in the struggle for land Marãiwatsédé. In parallel, the squatters of Suiá adopted as resistance spot the Distrito Posto da Mata , organized themselves politically through an association called APROSUM and intensified the struggle through legal battles , experts battle and the media battle, which provided "weapons" and enabled the social and historical construction of a monster event which was the non-intrusion occurred in 2012. The main events that crisscross the process of struggle for Marãiwatsédé of land has as reference system the conception of land as private property intended for economic use and source of regional development. This reference appears in speeches at the meeting of the invasion in 1992 and the narratives of local media in the 2012 nonintrusion. The return of land to the Xavante in 1992 and the non-intrusion of squatters in 2012 is based on the concept of territory traditionally occupied placed in the Constitution of 1988. Therefore, the struggle for land Marãiwatsédé is a struggle between different land use concepts.

Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Magister Technologiae: Public Management in the Faculty of Business at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology / This study interrogates the process followed by the South African government in transforming informal settlements into formal settlements, with specific reference to Khayelitsha Township, located just outside of Cape Town. Three informal settlements within Khayelitsha Township (Nkanini in Makhaza, RR and BM both in Site B) were identified for purposes of conducting this study. This study aims to interrogate the government’s effort to eradicate informal settlements. It employed a quantitative tradition where a structured questionnaire was distributed to 100 subjects. These included ward councillors, government managers, researchers on Community-Based-Organisations and Non-Governmental Organisations. The study revealed that research participants believed that there were no changes taking place in the informal settlements and they are growing in a fastest pace. The study findings also depicted that in order to transform informal settlements all key stakeholders should work in collaboration with each other. This study will contribute to the body of knowledge as there is paucity of data regarding the transformation of informal settlements to formal housing.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A configuraÃÃo territorial do estado do Cearà ocorreu em um primeiro momento a partir da colonizaÃÃo portuguesa e da retirada do indÃgena do territÃrio destinado à pecuÃria. E, em um segundo momento, a partir do desencadeamento de um fluxo comercial e de serviÃos oriundos dos produtos obtidos a partir da criaÃÃo do gado. Com o passar dos anos, diversos distritos conseguiram emancipaÃÃo polÃtica, passando à categoria de municÃpio, tomada, muitas vezes, por interesses polÃticos ligados aos latifundiÃrios, em que nÃo se tinha nenhum critÃrio legal e jurÃdico para a delimitaÃÃo de fronteiras; criando assim, Ãreas de litÃgio entre municÃpios do prÃprio estado quanto com municÃpios de estados vizinhos. Temos como exemplo de Ãrea de litÃgio do Cearà com outros estados do Nordeste, os ocorridos com o Rio Grande do Norte quanto a definiÃÃo do limite da chapada do Apodi; e com o PiauÃ, quanto a definiÃÃo do limite da Chapada da Ibiapaba. Sendo esse Ãltimo o objeto de estudo desse trabalho, na Ãrea de litÃgio entre os municÃpios de Parambu (CE) e Pimenteiras (PI). A criaÃÃo e extinÃÃo de municÃpios por motivos, em sua maioria, polÃticos, que nÃo levavam em consideraÃÃo nenhuma base legal, fez com que fossem criadas diversas Ãreas de litÃgio no territÃrio destes dois estados. Sendo que isso gerou diversos conflitos que se refletem atà os dias atuais, tendo como principais atores envolvidos os posseiros e os latifundiÃrios da regiÃo. Esses conflitos acabam por demonstrar as relaÃÃes de poder existentes no campo, bem como suas contradiÃÃes. A falta de uma soluÃÃo para esses problemas aumenta ainda mais o clima de tensÃo entre os moradores, que sofrem com a falta de polÃticas pÃblicas que supram seus anseios de posse pela terra e melhor qualidade de vida. De acordo com essa conjuntura, o objetivo geral do trabalho à analisar os conflitos territoriais ocorrente da Ãrea de litÃgio entre Cearà e PiauÃ, com destaque para os municÃpios de Parambu e Pimenteiras. Para atingir esse objetivo, buscou-se discutir os processos geogrÃficos, histÃricos, econÃmicos e polÃticos que levaram a formaÃÃo de litÃgio no territÃrio sob influÃncia desses municÃpios; mapear a espacialidade territorial das comunidades envolvidas na Ãrea de litÃgio e analisar as propostas de intervenÃÃo dos dois estados na busca pela resoluÃÃo dessa problemÃtica. Dessa forma, procuramos realizar um trabalho de natureza qualitativa, calcada no mÃtodo dialÃtico. Os procedimentos de trabalho se organizaram em torno de cinco eixos: revisÃo bibliogrÃfica, pesquisa documental, visita a instituiÃÃes que trabalham com o tema, pesquisa de campo, tabulaÃÃo e anÃlise dos dados. Podemos perceber que as questÃes dessa Ãrea de litÃgio sÃo problemas polÃticos, caracterizada, principalmente, por desobediÃncia administrativa, de ambas as partes, que tem nessa Ãrea uma fonte de conquistas de votos por meios lÃcitos e ilÃcitos, sendo necessÃria uma intervenÃÃo imediata do poder pÃblico para solucionar tal questÃo, uma vez que a populaÃÃo encontra-se totalmente desassistida dos seus direitos enquanto cidadÃos. / The territorial configuration of Cearà will take place at first by the Portuguese colonization and the withdrawal of Indian territory for the livestock. And, in a second time from triggering a trade flow and services from the products obtained from cattle raising. Over the years many districts failed political emancipation, going to a municipality, taken often by political interests linked to landowners, which had no legal and judicial criteria for delimitation of borders, creating areas of dispute between the municipalities own state and municipalities with neighboring states. We have an example of Cearà the dispute area with other Northeastern states, that have occurred with the Rio Grande do Norte as the definition of the boundary of the Apodi plateau; and Piaui, as the definition of the limit of the Chapada Ibiapaba. That being last the object of study of this work, but precisely in the dispute area between the towns of Parambu (CE) and Pimenteiras (PI), located in the region of Inhamuns the state of CearÃ. The creation and dissolution of municipalities for reasons mostly politicians, who did not take into account any legal basis, has made several litigation areas were created in the territory of these two states. Generating various conflicts that are reflected to this day, with the main actors involved squatters and landowners in the region. These conflicts eventually demonstrate the power relations in the field as well as its contradictions. The lack of a solution to these problems further increases the tension among residents, who suffer from the lack of public policies that meet their aspirations possession of the land and better quality of life. According to this scenario, the general objective is to analyze the territorial conflicts occurring the dispute area between Cearà and PiauÃ, highlighting the municipalities of Parambu and Pimenteiras. To achieve this goal we tried to discuss the geographical, historical, economic and political processes that led to litigation training in the territory under the influence of these municipalities; map the territorial spatiality of the communities involved in the litigation area; analyzing the intervention proposals of both governments in the search for resolution of this problem. Thus we seek to carry out a qualitative work, based on the dialectical method. The working procedures were organized around five areas: literature review, document search, visit the institutions that work with the topic, fieldwork, tabulation and analysis of data. We can see that the issues of this dispute area are political problems, mainly characterized by administrative disobedience, on both sides, which has in this area a source of votes of achievements through licit and illicit, requiring immediate intervention of the government to solve this question, since the population is totally unassisted their rights as citizens.

A formação da propriedade fundiária em Goiás está articulada a três políticas de expansão territorial, que promovem a integração do estado ao mercado nacional: 1) a Marcha para Oeste e a criação da Colônia Agrícola Nacional de Goiás, no ano de 1941, que favoreceu o apossamento do norte goiano a partir das notícias que circulavam entre os camponeses de que as terras eram devolutas e sem obstáculo para ocupação; 2) a transferência da capital federal para o interior do território goiano e o surgimento do mercado fundiário com a atuação de grupos de grilagem, fazendeiros e especuladores, contra as terras dos posseiros. Estes, compartilhando de experiências de privação da terra e encarando a chegada no norte de Goiás como a possibilidade da consolidação da propriedade, reagiram violentamente contra a tentativa de esbulho de suas terras, e, no início dos nos 1960, somou-se também a luta pela reforma agrária radical; 3) o golpe civil-militar de 1964, que consolidou as condições para o mercado de terras concentracionista, que assegurou às classes dominantes e ao capital estrangeiro interessado nas terras do norte goiano e da Amazônia Legal a garantia absoluta de suas propriedades. Assim, a formação da propriedade fundiária em Goiás está articulada a importantes momentos da luta política pelo domínio do Estado e das contradições do desenvolvimento capitalista no Brasil como gestação de um projeto para o agro que se consolidaria em 1964. / Formation of land property in Goias was attached to three territory expansion policies which promoted the integration of the state to the National Brazilian market: 1) The \"March to the West\" and the creation of Goias\' National Agricultural Colony (Colônia Agrícola Nacional de Goiás), in 1941. That favored squatting on Southern Goias based on ongoing news among the peasants that land plots were unclaimed, with no obstacle to occupation; 2) Injection of Federal funds into Goias\' countryside and the birth of the land trade market, acted upon by illegal invaders, farmers, and profiteers, taking land from squatter peasants. Those, sharing experiences of land deprivation and facing their arrival on Northern Goias as a possibility of realization of their land property, reacted violently against trespassing attempts to their land. Also, in the beggining of the 1960\'s the fight for a radical Agrarian Reform added to that reaction; 3) The Civilian and Military Coup of 1964, which consolidated the centralized land market and ensured to ruling classes and foreign capital the absolute control over their interests on land on Northern Goias and Legal Amazon. Therefore, formation of land property in Goias is attached to remarkable moments in political struggles for dominance of the state, and contradictions on Brazil\'s Capitalist development, as genesis of an Agrarian project with would come to be in 1964.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology) / This study explores local state constructions of citizenship for the residents of informal settlements in urban South Africa during the first decade of local democracy, with a focus on the last electoral term of this period. While many studies in the social sciences have reported on citizenship experiences and self-help strategies of various categories of residents of post-apartheid South Africa, few have directed their gaze at the state, or studied up by investigating powerful respondents or sites and processes of power. Given that the state has its most direct dealings with the grassroots at local government level, and that compared to ordinary people it holds a disproportionate amount of power over citizenship, the character and strategies of the local state in South Africa are critical for a comprehensive understanding of post-apartheid urban citizenship. The study focuses on the policy area of housing as a key response to informal settlement. A constrained developmental local state has emerged in the post-apartheid period in South Africa, exhibiting both Weberian and non-Weberian qualities in its political-administrative interface. While very little evidence of a skills shortage or limited capacity has surfaced in the policy area of housing in the metropolitan municipalities of Johannesburg and Tshwane, respondents in both sites reported that the available funds from the central state were vastly insufficient for addressing the identified housing need. This severely limited local state capacity to respond to the priorities identified by community consultation and systematic needs assessment and resulted in a perceived imperative to limit responsibility and supplement funds. Consequently, the two local authorities have managed their level of responsibility by changing definitions of informal settlement. In an attempt to lower dependence on the local state, they have also moved some responsibility for responding to informal settlement and housing need away from the local state. Although the lack of funds was deplored in both cities, their specific strategies have differed in important ways. In the City of Johannesburg, the local state recognised that housing shortages and informal settlement could not be adequately addressed if categories of nonqualifiers such as foreigners were excluded from city programmes. Elected councillors therefore argued for a relaxation of the criteria in the national Housing Code. To access more funds, the local state has relied heavily on the private sector, but this is likely to push the poor out of the urban centre and to isolate them from economic opportunities, which reinforces the apartheid spatial distribution. In order to reach a larger proportion of the population in need of assistance, the City of Tshwane preferred to focus its efforts on the provision of serviced sites rather than on housing. This strategy was implemented in addition to severe repression in the form of eviction and destruction of informal settlements as well as a policy of zero tolerance of new informal settlement, for which two related rationalisations were offered by respondents: the high portion of non-qualifiers who live in informal settlements and, in particular, the presence of foreigners, for whom they would not accept responsibility. While the City of Johannesburg’s outsourcing of low-income housing serves to extend the disproportionate influence of the private sector over elements of urban citizenship, the City of Tshwane’s exclusion of non-qualifiers and its forced removal of informal settlements represent a unilateral approach to constructing citizenship. In both cases, the result is a degree of continuity with the early colonial administrations and the apartheid government. Both methods have also inflated the achievements of the cities. The overall result has been the construction of a narrow, shallow and punitive urban citizenship for residents of informal settlements in South Africa since the advent of local democracy in 2000.

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The basic premises of this study is that the poor people should not be manipulated by the rich and powerful for their selfish end. Though they are poor, they are God’s people and God loves them as well. Growing up in the poor rural areas of Herschel, the researcher was the victim of apartheid laws at an early age. He experienced the pangs of hunger and on many occasions was tempted to steal. As a small boy he had many unanswered questions, when he saw white boys of his age being well fed, clad, and staying in beautiful homes. Later as a minister, working with Rev. S.R. Kumalo, in Ivory Park informal settlement, the researcher was touched by the plight of the poor living in shacks. In 2001 he was stationed in the neighbouring Olievenhoutbosch informal settlement. Here he was confronted with circumstances that perpetuated poverty among the poor, such as lack of job opportunities, no formal school buildings, sports facilities that keep the youth away from crime, no sites for churches, shops, clinics and police station. The people felt neglected and betrayed by the very government they voted for in 1994 and 1998. The government has failed to fulfill the promises made then. The poor even question the existence of God, as poverty in this area is absolute. If God does exist, as far as they are concerned, he has either forgotten them, or turned his back on them. Caring for the poor was a major challenge to the researcher. He had to study and acquire skills of empowering and liberating the poor from their morass. The researcher used Gerkin’s biblical traditional method of shepherding God’s people, as used in Old Testament times. He also applied Masango’s liberation theology as a way out to freedom from bondage of oppression. The researcher also identified five forms of poverty that affects the poor people of Olievenhoutbosch, but emphasis is zeroed on economic poverty, as it affects all their spheres of life. The daily struggle of the poor here is how to keep the body and soul together. The economic poverty has resulted in other evil repercussions, such as prostitution or sex work, which in turn leads to wide spread of pandemic HIV/AIDS, crime such as house breakings, car hijackings and general robbery, are on the increase. The poor are neglected by the politicians and the rich. Every time during political campaigns the politicians remember that there are people to be addressed in Olievenhoutbosch, they visit them. After elections the politicians disappear to come back again when there is the next political campaign. The researcher views this as the manipulation of the poor by the powerful for their own selfish ends. The researcher has included the stories of the poor to back up their suffering after being used as pawns by the politicians. As means of healing the poor people of Olievenhoutbosch informal settlement, the researcher has recommended some pastoral care guidelines. The poor must be encouraged to re-evaluate and come out of their state of inertia and start to live a new life. They must be empowered to use their voting power to change their circumstances and lives. They must end their exploitation through their sheer numbers. The lesson of liberation will also focus on the powerful as they are the victims of greed and power hungry. Nobody can really be happy and live comfortably when the neighbor is starving and unhappy. The boycotts and marches taking place recently in the townships are a sign that the masses can no longer tolerate their sufferings, and unfulfilled promises. In concluding this study the researcher has suggested the way forward for pastoral care-givers. He has further suggested some researches that need to be done. At the end of this study the researcher also became aware of his own weaknesses, which are his personal ongoing struggles and challenges that must be subdued in the new democratic South Africa. / Dissertation (MA(Practical Theology))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Practical Theology / unrestricted

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