Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio University, June, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-170).

The object of this work is the denominationally neutral country. Work it occurs through "proper understanding" secularization, an understanding of the phe-nomenon of secularization as secularism world in its social structure and social relationships. In the first part follows the concept of the state as intended Swiss reformer John Calvin, while largely draws on the work of the American legal historian John Witte and the background of the Lutheran and Calvinist Refor-mation, mainly explores especially Calvin's understanding of the polity. The second part deals with the Czech environment and through the first Czechoslo-vak president and influential thinker and statesman of the 19th and 20th centu-ries, Tomas Garrigue Masaryk tries to map the transition from theocracy to democracy, or from an absolute to a democratic conception of the state. Secula-rization itself and denominationally neutral state this thesis deals in its third part, dedicated to the life and work mainly largest Czech Protestant philosopher Bozena Komárková when over her eye on civil society gets to the separation of church and state. In conclusion, offers possible solutions, how should the re-lationship of the state to the Church and the Church to the state look like and what should be their role. The target of this work gives to recognize...

This thesis examines TOBB within the global and national socioeconomic context in which it operates, focusing on the last decade. Though states are the main governing bodies and important actors, the role of non-state actors (NSAs) is becoming increasingly important as they are able to intervene and influence policy decisions through various activities. They matter in issues regarding globalization and governance. They interact with various other actors, they have a role in governance schemes and they may have the capability to effect acceleration of globalization. In return they are also affected by this process. For this research project TOBB has been chosen as a case study to evaluate the impact of such institutions in this process. Information on TOBB, including its chamber features, its interactions in governance, its special projects, and its view-point (made public through certain declarations and criteria), the economic platforms in which it participates, its contribution to G20 meetings and establishment of C20 all show that TOBB has taken an active stand in this process during the last decade. The context within which TOBB operates is an enabling one, both domestically and internationally. A comparison of TOBB with FICCI, its organizational counterpart in India, further demonstrates that the overall impact of similar institutions, in our case chambers, is larger when the system is taken as a whole. In this thesis it is argued that TOBB &ldquo / matters&rdquo / and is able to intervene and influence decision making processes.

The main objective of this thesis was to examine three key questions concerning the political economy of digital broadcasting. First, the concept of digital broadcasting and its regulatory issues were investigated. Following the review of the related theories, I proposed a political economy of digital broadcasting framework as a theoretical perspective. Second, the factors influencing global digital broadcasting were examined. This research has investigated the main factors that influenced the regulatory changes and hardware and software markets around digital broadcasting at a global level. Finally, as a case study, I explore why and how the Korean government introduced digital broadcasting, setting this against the wider background of changing state-market relations. Various stakeholders have been involved in the digitisation of broadcasting at the national and global level. This process follows and forms the changing political economic configuration of the broadcasting industry of the nation-state facing neoliberal globalisation. To achieve the aims, the thesis uses archival research, questionnaire surveys and in-depth interviews. I argue that the digitisation of broadcasting in South Korea has reflected the changing power relationships among state, market and. civil society in democratisation and globalisation. The consumer electronics manufacturers, telecommunication companies and the Ministry of Information and Communication have played pivotal roles in the introduction of digital broadcasting. The public broadcasters, press union and some civic organisations have played alternative roles in the process. In so doing, the role of the state has changed from one of authoritarian market formation to non-authoritarian market formation, market adjustment and coordinating different interests. The Korean state has the contradictory features of a neoliberal state, which has deregulated some areas such as broadcasting, telecommunications and financial markets, and played a role of entrepreneurial government at the same time.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala University, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [210]-228).

This thesis explores the relationship between state and civil-society in Lebanon. Earlier research show that there has been a presence of capable local NGOs in Lebanon for many years and that this has shaped the society. There is a gap in the research on the role of local NGOs after the Beirut harbour explosion on the 4th of August 2020. The aim of this research is to shed light on the contribution of local NGOs in Lebanon by exploring the contribution of local NGO Offre Joie and what difficulties they found when taking on some of the emergency response and rebuilding work after the explosion at Beirut Harbour. My theoretical approach states that a state owes a duty to care and protect its citizen and that in this case some of this responsibility was absent and instead taken on by the civil society and NGOs. Qualitative case study on Offre Joie, methods for collecting data include a semi-structured, in-depth interview with one Offre Joie board member, content analysis on a panel discussion that Offre Joies president was a part of and an impact report realised by Offre Joie. I found that they did encounter challenges but that these were not major enough to stop them in their efforts to rebuild and assist the community. They contributed by rebuilding the most affected areas and by utilising volunteers they brought a human side to the crisis. This human relationship and the solidarity between the people affected and the volunteers has been one of the biggest contributions. The role that Offre Joie took on after the explosion points to the reality of mismanaged governmental institutions, and that the role of local NGOs is extremely important at this current time to protect and safeguard the people within Lebanon’s civil society.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSANGELA BUJOKAS SIQUEIRA.pdf: 3926340 bytes, checksum: 1a3ab0b6ca51a4aca7f6d4e9ad4c2e92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-07 / In Brazil, conflicts involving traditional peoples and communities date back to the period of colonization, considering the various ethnic groups and enslaved blacks. The political-economic options adopted in the development of capitalism in the country shaped, over time, a structural scenario marked by land concentration and dependence on external capital, sustaining high levels of social inequality and environmental impacts. This process also acted to annul the existence of the various peoples, their territories and traditional knowledge. The struggles for land, as an expression of the conflicts between social classes, added to the environmental agenda forged the traditional peoples and communities as one of the political subjects of the subaltern classes in the country. Articulated in social movements, these peoples place themselves in the scenario of disputes for hegemony, questioning the hegemonic model of capital. In line with the national context, in 2008, in Paraná, the Puxirão Network of Traditional Peoples and Communities was founded, a collective that brings together a diversity of ethnic social groups and a struggle for recognition, rights and public policies. With this, the general objective of this thesis is: to analyze the Puxirão Network of Traditional Peoples and Communities as a possibility of dispute of political hegemony in the relations with the State in Paraná, between 2007 and 2015. The following questions are encouraged by the Rede Puxirão de Are Traditional Peoples and Communities a social movement? Does this collective have a socio-political project? If yes, how did the construction of the same? 3. Will the Puxirão Network have the strength to compete for political hegemony in Paraná? The study, with an interdisciplinary nature, has a qualitative nature, counted on bibliographical and documentary researches, with systematic observation of semi-structured meetings and interviews (with representatives of the Network and state agents). The data were interpreted from the thematic content analysis. The thesis is organized in four chapters, the first two construct the conceptual framework of analysis, based on the Gramscian perspective, and present theoretical categories such as hegemony / against hegemony, state and civil society, class struggles, subaltern classes, social movements. The Brazilian scenario and the territorial disputes involving the fighting classes are also discussed in these chapters. The last two are in the empirical universe, through the experience of this Network and its relationship with the State. Data were interpreted through the following thematic categories of analysis - Weaving the Network: articulation of subaltern ethnic social groups in Paraná; In the "fight" we learn: a new look at the situation of subalternity experienced by ethnic social groups in Paraná; The "life" project and the "death" project: elements for the construction of a socio-political project against hegemonic; Relation with the State: some progress and much difficulty. In summary, the results of the research demonstrate that the Puxirão Network has contributed to the traditional peoples of Paraná being placed in an anti-hegemonic way in the field of political disputes, but today's conjuncture demands that their forms of mobilization be reinvented, strengthening their bases in society Occupy positions at the state level. / No Brasil, os conflitos envolvendo os povos e comunidades tradicionais datam do período da colonização, considerando as diversas etnias indígenas e os negros escravizados. As opções político-econômicas adotadas no desenvolvimento do capitalismo no país configuraram, ao longo do tempo, um cenário estrutural marcado pela concentração fundiária e dependência do capital externo, sustentando altos índices de desigualdade social e impactos ambientais. Esse processo agiu também para anular a existência dos diversos povos, de seus territórios e saberes tradicionais. As lutas pela terra, como uma expressão dos conflitos entre as classes sociais, somadas a pauta ambiental forjaram os povos e comunidades tradicionais como mais um dos sujeitos políticos das classes subalternas no país. Articulados em movimentos sociais, estes povos se colocam no cenário das disputas por hegemonia, questionando o modelo hegemônico do capital. Em consonância com a conjuntura nacional, em 2008, no Paraná, foi fundada a Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais, coletivo que agrega uma diversidade de grupos sociais étnicos e luta por reconhecimento, direitos e políticas públicas. Com isso, o objetivo geral desta tese é: analisar a Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais como possibilidade de disputa de hegemonia política nas relações com o Estado no Paraná, entre 2007 – 2015. Animam a pesquisa as seguintes questões: A Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais constitui-se como movimento social? Este coletivo tem projeto sociopolítico? Se sim, como se deu a construção do mesmo? 3. A Rede Puxirão tem força para disputar hegemonia política no Paraná? O estudo, de caráter interdisciplinar, possui natureza qualitativa, contou com as pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, com observação sistemática de reuniões e entrevistas semiestruturadas (com representantes da Rede e de agentes estatais). Os dados foram interpretados a partir da análise de conteúdo temática. A tese está organizada em quatro capítulos, os dois primeiros constroem o arcabouço conceitual de análise, fundamentado na perspectiva gramsciana, e apresentam categorias teóricas como hegemonia/contra hegemonia, Estado e sociedade civil, lutas de classes, classes subalternas, movimentos sociais. O cenário brasileiro e as disputas territoriais envolvendo as classes em luta também são discutidos nestes capítulos. Já os dois últimos se detêm no universo empírico, através da experiência desta Rede e de sua relação com o Estado. Os dados foram interpretados através das seguintes categorias temáticas de análise – Tecendo a Rede: articulação dos grupos sociais étnicos subalternos no Paraná; Na “peleia” a gente aprende: um novo olhar para a situação de subalternidade vivenciada pelos grupos sociais étnicos no Paraná; O projeto de “vida” e o projeto de “morte”: elementos para a construção de um projeto sociopolítico contra hegemônico; Relação com o Estado: alguns avanços e muita dificuldade. Em síntese, os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que a Rede Puxirão tem contribuído para que os povos tradicionais do Paraná se coloquem de forma contra hegemônica no campo das disputas políticas, mas atual conjuntura exige que suas formas de mobilização sejam reinventadas, fortalecendo suas bases na sociedade civil e ocupando posições no âmbito estatal.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silmara Carneiro e Silva.pdf: 1519323 bytes, checksum: f15367e12099abb908990af9ee21d52b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-24 / The Democracy as a hegemonic political system in the modernity becomes a legitimate field in which the relations between the State and Civil Society are realized. It is in these relations, taking part in the representative and participative democratic spaces, that the perspectives on the social development are discussed and assumed by the public sphere in contemporary times. The political culture and the participation of the ones involved in this process are the essential elements for the configuration of the relationships that are built between the hegemonic and antihegemonic fights that take place in the institutionalized power spaces. With these presuppositions, the present research aims at analyzing the configuration of the relationships between the institutionalized local power spaces in Carambeí and its perspective on the municipal social development, considering the involved subjects’ points of view. The research has been realized through the systematization of the theoretical fundamentals based on the referential authors of the Applied Social Sciences and the application of a questionnaire and semi-structured interviews to the significant subjects of Carambeí’s institutionalized local power, connected to the municipal executive, legislature, and councilors of social assistance and work. The conclusion that has been reached indicates the need to strengthen the antihegemony in the local Carambeí’s spaces, through the socialization of the politics and sharing the power among the institutionalized local power spaces in Carambeí. These are considered essential conditions in order to the relationships between the State and Civil Society becoming more horizontal and therefore the different perspectives of municipal social development, indicated by the subjects, may become anti-hegemonic perspectives in the municipal public sphere. / A democracia enquanto sistema político hegemônico na modernidade, torna-se campo legítimo no qual as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil são concretizadas. É no âmbito de tais relações, inscritas nos espaços democráticos representativos e participativos, que as perspectivas para o desenvolvimento social são debatidas e assumidas pela esfera pública na contemporaneidade. A cultura política e a participação dos sujeitos envolvidos neste processo são elementos essenciais para a configuração das relações que são construídas em meio às lutas hegemônicas e contra-hegemônicas inscritas no âmbito dos espaços de poder institucionalizado. Com esses pressupostos a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a configuração das relações entre os espaços do poder local institucionalizado em Carambeí e suas perspectivas para o desenvolvimento social municipal, na visão dos sujeitos que o compõe. Realizamos a pesquisa por meio da sistematização de referencial teórico, pautado em autores referenciais das Ciências Sociais Aplicadas e da utilização de formulário de dados e entrevista semiestruturada, aplicados junto dos sujeitos significativos do poder local institucionalizado de Carambeí, vinculados ao executivo municipal, ao legislativo municipal e aos conselhos municipais de assistência social e trabalho. As conclusões que chegamos apontam para a necessidade do fortalecimento da contrahegemonia no espaço local carambeiense, através da socialização da política e da partilha do poder entre os espaços do poder local institucionalizado de Carambeí. Estas são consideradas como condições essenciais para que as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil possam tender à horizontalização e desta forma as diferentes perspectivas de desenvolvimento social municipal, apontadas pelos sujeitos, possam constituir-se em perspectivas contra-hegemônicas no âmbito da esfera pública municipal.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-08T14:33:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Estela Fidelis Rodrigues.pdf: 1204982 bytes, checksum: bc2fe3a01fbf1671c4220c2880658e7b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-08T14:33:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Estela Fidelis Rodrigues.pdf: 1204982 bytes, checksum: bc2fe3a01fbf1671c4220c2880658e7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present study was developed in order to understand and interpret the perceptions and meanings of the Movement for Adults Literacy – MOVA São Bernardo – in its partnership with the public sector, considering its participation for the purpose of overcoming the iliteracy current rates. Brazilian society faces the difficult task of changing this reality, for there are more than 13 million iliterate people over 15 years old nowadays in Brazil. Recognizing MOVA SP and MOVA ABC histories and the results of the documental analysis as a methodological resource enabled us to understand and interpret by means of the qualitative approach, the questions and reasons which motivate and make the partnership between the public sector and civil society viable in order to change the iliteracy recent rates. The specific focus in this analysis process was addressed to MOVA São Bernardo, highlighting the role of this movement in the State Politics and the identification of possibilities of purposeful articultation which can provide a process of collective liberating critical curriculum work with a view to promote the educative popular praxis in the Youths and Adults Education. This research evinces that the activists and educators who work with popular education can renew their practices, considering new patterns in the perspective of constant partnerships and dialogical relationships particularly with respect to the literacy and Youths and Adults Education based on the conscious struggle for the education rights / O presente estudo foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de compreender e interpretar as percepções e significados do Movimento de Alfabetização de Adultos - MOVA São Bernardo na relação com o poder público, tendo em vista sua participação na superação dos índices de analfabetismo vigentes. A sociedade brasileira vivencia na atualidade a difícil tarefa de alterar essa realidade, pois o número de analfabetos acima de 15 anos ultrapassa os 13 milhões. O reconhecimento da história do MOVA SP e do MOVA ABC e os resultados da análise documental, utilizada como recurso metodológico, permitiram compreender e interpretar, por meio da abordagem qualitativa, as questões e as razões que motivam e viabilizam a parceria entre poder público e sociedade civil de modo enfrentar os índices vigentes de analfabetismo. O processo de análise teve como foco especifico o MOVA São Bernardo, destacando-se o sentido do Movimento na Política de Estado e a identificação das possibilidades de articulação propositiva favorecedora da construção coletiva de um currículo critico libertador, tendo em vista a promoção da práxis educativa popular na Educação de Jovens e Adultos. Esta pesquisa evidencia que os militantes e educadores que trabalham com Educação Popular podem reconceber suas práticas, considerando novos paradigmas, na perspectiva da vivência permanente de parcerias e relações dialógicas, particularmente no que se refere à alfabetização e Educação de Jovens e Adultos, na luta consciente pelo direito à educação

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Deliane.pdf: 857472 bytes, checksum: b43dea93d0410ec8a8f6a93a4df5060a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-09 / This research analysis the relationship between State and Civil Society after the nonstate- owned insertion was announced by Director Plan of State Machine Reform, in 1995. To show our objective, as the public, non-state-owned sector, we will discuss the administration reform of Brazilian's State, with regard to transferring to the non public sector, normal operations that were the State s obligation before. To comprehend the reasoning of the public non-state-owned sector, it is based on Bresser Pereira and Anthony Giddens; and, trys to identify the diffusion of a new relationship between State and Civil Society. We propose to demonstrate that the public non-state-owned sector is an experiment to support one social project, that wants to maintain the capitalist process development, from a new concept of Civil Society, and, therefore, from other intervention of social area. We intend to show evidence that the public non-state-owned sector defends it s necessity for the Civil Society to take out the rights conquered by social movement. To be a collaborator in the insertion of this social project by the active involvement of people who bet on democratic potential of social foundations and Non-State-Owned Organizations. This research pretends to get the attention of the public non-stated-owned sector, which is a representation of common people who want to transform the society, split in class, into one harmonic and integrated society that works to commons objectives. We try to present the objectives of Director Plan of State Machine Reform, with regard to the public non-state-owned sector, are related to third way presuppose, cause. Both want to broadcast a new relationship between State and Civil Society, with the Civil Society ceasing to fight for your benefits and rights, and to go work in a cooperating regime with State, ensuring the domination and the class exploration. / O presente estudo trata da análise da relação entre o Estado e a Sociedade Civil após a inserção do público não-estatal anunciado no Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, em 1995. Com o intuito de vislumbrar nosso objeto, o setor público não-estatal, discutimos a reforma administrativa do Estado brasileiro no que concerne a transferência para o setor privado das funções antes exclusivas do Estado. Buscamos compreender os argumentos que fundamentam o público nãoestatal, sobretudo, os defendidos por Bresser Pereira e Anthony Giddens; e procuramos identificar a difusão de uma nova relação entre o Estado e a Sociedade Civil. Nosso pressuposto consiste em demonstrar que o setor público não-estatal reside numa tentativa de sustentar um projeto societal que visa manter o processo de desenvolvimento capitalista, a partir de um novo conceito de Sociedade Civil e, portanto, a partir de outras formas de intervenção na área social. Temos evidenciado que para os defensores do setor público não-estatal é de fundamental importância que a sociedade civil não apenas deixe para trás a luta por seus direitos conquistados por meio dos movimentos sociais, mas que a mesma também possa colaborar na inserção desse projeto societal pelo envolvimento ativo de pessoas que de uma maneira ou de outra possam apostar no potencial democratizante das diversas fundações sociais e Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs). O estudo pretende chamar a atenção para o papel do setor público não-estatal, que partindo de uma representação de bem comum, procura transformar a sociedade cindida em classes em um todo harmônico e integrado em prol de objetivos comuns. Buscamos apresentar também que os objetivos do Plano Diretor de Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, no que concerne ao setor público não-estatal, estão relacionados com os pressupostos da terceira via, pois ambos procuram difundir uma nova relação entre Estado e Sociedade Civil, por meio da qual, a Sociedade Civil deixa de lutar por benefícios e por direitos, e passa a atuar em regime de cooperação com o Estado, colaborando e assegurando a dominação e a exploração de classe.