<p>The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work.</p><p>A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics.</p><p>At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis.</p><p>The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs.</p><p>A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.</p>

This dissertation is the result of a study of power relations between the crown and the church in Sweden during the 17th century. The study is focused on the Swedish Parliament and how the Estate of the Clergy responded to royal pretensions. The Swedish Clerical Estate is viewed as essential for the Swedish state formation process. The argument in the study is inspired by theories suggesting that state building and state formation were outcomes of a bargaining process between rulers and local power holders. The perspective presented by the historian Jan Glete is of great importance. He defines the early modern state as a complex organization providing protection and violence control. He emphasizes that the power of the state and the state’s character were dependent upon how the state could assert power. In order to do this, the rulers bartered with their subjects using protection as a commodity while in return the subjects paid required taxes. This bargaining process is interpreted as interactive. The rulers linked various local interests to the state and in doing so gained control of the society and the use of violence. The Swedish Clerical Estate played an important role in this process. Due in part to this fact, the clergy differed from the other subjects of the realm such as the nobility or the peasants. The clergy did not own any sizeable amount of property and did not exert any economical influence. Instead the Clerical Estate negotiated using their ideological, cultural and political resources. These commodities became essential in how the king organized the state. In exchange for royal protection, the clergy were given the task of supporting and explaining the crown’s economical and military needs. By doing so, the Clerical Estate legitimated the royal power in the parliament and in the society as a whole. At the same time, this negotiation signified a definition of the role of the clergyman within the state. Though the Clerical Estate sometimes tried to reject royal claims, it was the king who decided the conditions of negotiation. The parliament as a political field was created by the king and for the king. From a political point of view, religion and a theological framework became of great importance and were adopted by the crown in order to exploit resources. Taking this into consideration, the 17th century Swedish state seems to be more effective than other European early modern states.

The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work. A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics. At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis. The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs. A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.

Starting around 1500 a period of state formation changed the European map. The scattered medieval principalities were replaced with more centralised and better organised states with permanent armies. Sweden was quite successful in competing with these states and experienced a period of expansion. The means for warfare were drawn, to a large extent, from the peasantry, which meant that a great number of Swedes were sent to the front line and were never to return. This thesis investigates the dissemination of information, war propaganda and mobilisation in Sweden, 1655–1680. This period is interesting since it includes both offensive wars (under the reign of Karl X Gustav), a period of peace (under the regency) and defensive warfare(under Karl XI). A basic assumption has been that information is an important power resource. In the study both the dissemination and the content of the propaganda are examined. The most important sources have been the minutes and correspondence of the kings, the regency and the council of the realm, along with the sources from the diet and the provincial meetings. In particular, the prayer days and thanksgiving days, in both manuscript and printed sources, have been studied. To investigate the actual dissemination of information, the sources in the regional archives of the counties of Uppsala and Kopparberg and the archives of several episcopates have been examined. There existed developed media for the dissemination of information, namely, “the system of information”. Information was disseminated from the pulpits, at the diet and provincial meetings, by county governors and bailiffs, and by printed texts. In this thesis it is shown that the rulers were anxious to explain and justify the wars to the people and that they deliberately used the dissemination of information as a power tool. To keep the people in a good mood was vital for the war effort. War propaganda was spread both in times of war and peace, and its main messages remained the same during Sweden’s Age of Greatness. The main message of the long-term propaganda was that the wars were a divine punishment: it was because of the sinful people that wars broke out. According to the propaganda, the world was populated with evil enemies that were striving to destroy Sweden. The best protection against the enemies (next to God) was a good regent. It was also stated that, in the event of war, it was the duty of the subjects to contribute. The direct propaganda was conducted in four different phases. The first phase was about explaining the outbreak of war, the second phase was about mobilisation, the third phase was about disseminating information in order to uphold the morals and the fourth and last phase was about explaining the peace. The messages of the long-term propaganda had their equivalents in the direct propaganda. These arguments, however, were not always sufficient. The state representatives also highlighted the great perils threatening the country and used a patriotic rhetoric. The war propaganda depoliticised the wars, and made it possible to mobilise great resources from the population in times of war. The frequently used picture of threatening wars contributed to the legitimacy not only of a permanent army and offensive warfare, but also of the power of the king and the social order at large.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo analisar o processo de construção do Estado na Etiópia, a partir do modelo desenvolvido por Charles Tilly (1996). Assim, o foco do trabalho foi o estudo da correlação causal entre a existência do fenômeno da guerra interestatal (atípica na África) e o desenvolvimento político, econômico e social. Para isso, foi feito ensaio teórico acerca do Estado e apresentação do modelo de Tilly, além de refinamento metodológico desse modelo através da noção de capacidade estatal. A perspectiva de Samuel Huntington (1975) a respeito do descolamento entre as instituições políticas e as sociedades em modernização também foi abordada, principalmente na compreensão da Revolução Etíope de 1974. O trabalho conclui que a guerra foi fundamental para a construção do Estado na Etiópia, mas que ela não é condição suficiente para a construção de Estados desenvolvidos e capazes na totalidade destas acepções. / This dissertation analyzes the process of state-formation in Ethiopia, from Charles Tilly‘s (1996) war-centered perspective. Hence, it is focused on the causal correlation between inter-state war (uncommon in African history, but largely present in Ethiopia) and political, social and economic under-development (present in Africa and Ethiopia). In order to achieve this goal, some brief theoretical issues on the state are presented, followed by Tilly‘s account on state-formation in Europe. Moreover, Samuel Huntington‘s (1975) perspective has been also incorporated in the analysis, so as to improve our theoretical tools regarding the 1974 Revolution. The dissertation concludes that war has been fundamental for state-formation in Ethiopia, but that it is not a sufficient condition to the formation of developed and capable states, contradicting Tilly‘s model partially.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo analisar o processo de construção do Estado na Etiópia, a partir do modelo desenvolvido por Charles Tilly (1996). Assim, o foco do trabalho foi o estudo da correlação causal entre a existência do fenômeno da guerra interestatal (atípica na África) e o desenvolvimento político, econômico e social. Para isso, foi feito ensaio teórico acerca do Estado e apresentação do modelo de Tilly, além de refinamento metodológico desse modelo através da noção de capacidade estatal. A perspectiva de Samuel Huntington (1975) a respeito do descolamento entre as instituições políticas e as sociedades em modernização também foi abordada, principalmente na compreensão da Revolução Etíope de 1974. O trabalho conclui que a guerra foi fundamental para a construção do Estado na Etiópia, mas que ela não é condição suficiente para a construção de Estados desenvolvidos e capazes na totalidade destas acepções. / This dissertation analyzes the process of state-formation in Ethiopia, from Charles Tilly‘s (1996) war-centered perspective. Hence, it is focused on the causal correlation between inter-state war (uncommon in African history, but largely present in Ethiopia) and political, social and economic under-development (present in Africa and Ethiopia). In order to achieve this goal, some brief theoretical issues on the state are presented, followed by Tilly‘s account on state-formation in Europe. Moreover, Samuel Huntington‘s (1975) perspective has been also incorporated in the analysis, so as to improve our theoretical tools regarding the 1974 Revolution. The dissertation concludes that war has been fundamental for state-formation in Ethiopia, but that it is not a sufficient condition to the formation of developed and capable states, contradicting Tilly‘s model partially.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo analisar o processo de construção do Estado na Etiópia, a partir do modelo desenvolvido por Charles Tilly (1996). Assim, o foco do trabalho foi o estudo da correlação causal entre a existência do fenômeno da guerra interestatal (atípica na África) e o desenvolvimento político, econômico e social. Para isso, foi feito ensaio teórico acerca do Estado e apresentação do modelo de Tilly, além de refinamento metodológico desse modelo através da noção de capacidade estatal. A perspectiva de Samuel Huntington (1975) a respeito do descolamento entre as instituições políticas e as sociedades em modernização também foi abordada, principalmente na compreensão da Revolução Etíope de 1974. O trabalho conclui que a guerra foi fundamental para a construção do Estado na Etiópia, mas que ela não é condição suficiente para a construção de Estados desenvolvidos e capazes na totalidade destas acepções. / This dissertation analyzes the process of state-formation in Ethiopia, from Charles Tilly‘s (1996) war-centered perspective. Hence, it is focused on the causal correlation between inter-state war (uncommon in African history, but largely present in Ethiopia) and political, social and economic under-development (present in Africa and Ethiopia). In order to achieve this goal, some brief theoretical issues on the state are presented, followed by Tilly‘s account on state-formation in Europe. Moreover, Samuel Huntington‘s (1975) perspective has been also incorporated in the analysis, so as to improve our theoretical tools regarding the 1974 Revolution. The dissertation concludes that war has been fundamental for state-formation in Ethiopia, but that it is not a sufficient condition to the formation of developed and capable states, contradicting Tilly‘s model partially.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no CearÃ, o processo de IndependÃncia e a formaÃÃo do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculaÃÃo polÃtica da capitania do Siarà grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importÃncia desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. AlÃm desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presenÃa da famÃlia real na colÃnia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos tambÃm a participaÃÃo do Cearà no processo de IndependÃncia e na ConfederaÃÃo do Equador, destacando que a adesÃo a esse movimento refletia as divergÃncias existentes tanto nessa provÃncia como no recente paÃs a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicaÃÃo em sete de abril de 1831. / The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in CearÃ, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siarà grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Familyâs presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817âs movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the Northâs captainships. We discussed too the participation of Cearà in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeiraâs Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilianâs throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.

O Recôncavo Baiano é uma área na qual diversas manifestações populares de matriz cultural afro-brasileira estão preservadas, como é o caso do samba de roda, do maculêlê e da capoeira. A capoeira possui um discurso político de resistência que sustenta tal identidade cultural. Esta pesquisa se inicia perseguindo uma linhagem de capoeira angola remetida ao Recôncavo Baiano, em especial à cidade de Santo Amaro. Buscando articular igualmente os planos da história e da experiência narradas por essa linhagem, se deparou com uma capoeira diferenciável. Em seus resultados compreende que o que é atualmente conhecido por capoeira se desenvolveu a partir de processos históricos. Para compreendê-los recorremos ao universo carioca do início do século XIX, quando os primeiros documentos sobre capoeiras aparecem. Entendemos esse contexto enquanto uma determinada forma de reprodução das relações sociais, comprometidas com o escravismo, resultando numa mobilização do trabalho particularmente experimentada pelos capoeiras, por meio da perseguição e prisão empreendidas pelo nascente Estado nacional. Num comparativo com o Rio de Janeiro, analisamos o Recôncavo Baiano das relações de produção canavieira, e o seu desenvolvimento no pós-abolição, implicadas em particulares formas de controle sobre os trabalhadores. A criminalização da capoeiragem em 1890 seria então um momento em que esses contextos particulares foram articulados. Essa análise apontou que por meio da capoeira é possível discutir criticamente o processo de formação das relações de trabalho no Brasil, tendo como anteparo a própria constituição do Estado nacional, culminando com o reconhecimento da capoeira e sua descriminalização a partir da década de 1930. Tais aspectos são representativos para compreender o lugar que o capoeira, em sua transformação em capoeirista, vai experimentar. / The Recôncavo Baiano is an area in which diverse popular expressions of Afro- Brazilian cultural origin are preserved, as is the case for samba de roda, maculêlê and capoeira. Capoeira has a political discourse of resistance that supports such cultural identity. This research begins by pursuing a capoeira angola lineage referred to the Recôncavo Baiano, especially to the city of Santo Amaro. Seeking to articulate equally the plans of history and experience, narrated by this lineage, a differentiable capoeira came across this work. In its results, we understand that what is currently known as capoeira has developed from a historical process. To understand it we used the context of Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century, when the first documents about capoeiras appear. We understand this context as a certain form of reproduction of social relations, committed to slavery, resulting in a labor mobilization particularly experienced by capoeiras, through the persecution and arrest undertaken by the nascent national state. In a comparison with Rio de Janeiro, we analyze the Recôncavo Baiano of the relations of sugarcane production, and its development in post-abolition, implied in particular forms of control over workers. So, the criminalization of capoeira in 1890 would be a time when these particular contexts were articulated. This analysis pointed out that through capoeira it is possible to critically discuss the process of the formation of labor relations in Brazil, having as a shield the constitution of the national State itself, ending in the recognition of capoeira and its decriminalization on the 1930s. Such aspects are representative to understand the place that capoeiras, in their transformation into capoeiristas, will experience.

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