The period following the fall of the Manchu dynasty in 1911 was one of rapid economic and social change in China. It created conditions favourable for the development of the New Culture Movement which started during the Great war, and reached its climax in 1919.Two of the basic features of this movement were the introduction of ideas from the West and the reassessment of Chinese traditions from the standpoint of those ideas. The Literary Revolution was an integral part of the New Culture Movement, which, after an initial period of discussion and debate, undertook the task of building a new Chinese literature with a new humanist or revolutionary content, and with forms copied from, or inspired by. Western literature. The problems which this task of construction involved were many and varied. During the next few years the literature of many periods and countries was introduced into China, and the new writers experimented with numerous forms. Ultimately, those which accorded most closely with the needs of Chinese literature, and especially with the social conditions and demands of the Chinese revolution, which had a determining influence on it, were successfully adopted, and fused with the Chinese tradition. The writer who best succeeded in mastering these problems of selection and synthesis was Lu Hsun, who, while benefiting from the example of Western writers, especially Russian, at the same time retained a Chinese character and style, not only through the subject matter of his work, but also from his knowledge and keen appreciation of old Chinese literature.

'Social development' and 'economic development' are complex concepts, concepts that may be interpreted very differently in different contexts and at different times. Not only may the processes involved be different in different contexts, so too may be the criteria by which success is judged. It is argued here that successive Solomon Islands governments have striven for social and economic development without taking full account of the real nature of Solomon Islands society. What is needed is national development policy, planning and implementation that arise out of, and take fully into account, the historical, geographic and cultural context of Solomon Islands. On the whole, the socio-economic structure of Solomon Islands society is currently underpinned by a tri-partite hierarchy in which, for the majority of Solomon Islanders, kastom (traditional beliefs and practices) and church (the beliefs and practices endorsed by the church) take precedence over the state as legitimate forms of authority. This inevitably poses problems for state-led development. If socio-economic development activities are to be successful in achieving a better quality of life for all Solomon Islanders, including those who live in rural areas, they must take full account of the role of kastom and church in the lives of the people. This must include an understanding of the differing concepts of development of people in different areas of the country such as those of Ulawa islanders that are discussed here. The thesis begins with an introduction to the research (Chapter 1) in which the theoretical framework is located broadly within the postmodern paradigm. In Chapter 2 the essentially qualitative and interpretive nature of the methodology is outlined and explained. Chapter 3 provides a critical review of international development literature in which it is argued that official definitions and descriptions of development are based on production and deficit models. The need to accommodate an indigenous and organic concept of development, one that takes account of the diversity of human experience, is stressed. Chapter 4 provides an outline of Solomon Islands society. Here, the historical narrative is complemented by three metaphors - 'island', wantok and betelnut - which serve to reinforce and explain the nature of Solomon Islands society and the ways in which that society has been shaped by historical processes. Chapter 5 is devoted to a discussion of modern development activity in Solomon Islands, the main focus being on the period immediately preceding and following independence. Chapter 6 explores, with particular reference to Ulawa Island, indigenous concepts of development and the impact of national development activities on rural-dwelling islanders. It also engages the issue of state reform, proposing a model based on a two tier system, with central government in its current form dealing directly with the people at constituency rather than provincial level. Finally, Chapter 7 summarizes the main conclusions reached. It is noted that the failure of both pre- and post-independence governments to take full account of the nature of Solomon Islands society has been a major factor in the lack of effective development in the islands.

Translated title: Transnational Care Space Central Europe. Working and Living Conditions of Irregular Migrants in Domestic Care Provision

Translated title: Transnational Care Space Central Europe. Working and Living Conditions of Irregular Migrants in Domestic Care Provision

This dissertation begins from a desire to explain situations in which left-wing parties appear to adopt policies that are more typically associated with right-wing thinking. A standard explanation for such behaviour is that relatively weak left-wing parties are drawn to adopt those policies as a way of getting elected — commonly expressed as convergence on the median voter. The puzzle, however, is that this explanation often seems to fall foul of the empirical reality that left-wing parties adopt these policies when they are relatively strong, not weak. The explanation for this advanced here is that parties, seeking to improve outcomes for their constituencies both now and in the future, often operate in political environments which lead them to assign a high probability that today’s policy choices will not survive the predations of government by opposing parties tomorrow. Where this is the case, there is incentive to pursue policies that are less efficient, but which have inbuilt political defence mechanisms: with the main such mechanism focused upon here being the power of organised public sector labour. The effect of partisanship is, therefore, conditioned by expectations about the future political power of parties. Where left-wing parties expect to be weak, they will tend to adopt the highly statist, bureaucratised, nationalised policies that are traditionally associated with the Left as these will tend to embody large amounts of organised labour that will be a counter to future right-wing governments. Where left-wing parties expect to be strong, the costs associated with such policies come to outweigh the benefits, with the result that they do not need to pursue such ‘left-wing’ policies. These ideas are developed heoretically within an institutionalist framework, yielding a synthesis between the historical and rational choice institutionalisms. Empirically, the theoretical framework is applied to the development of welfare states and to the issue of privatisation of state-owned enterprises.

After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.

Esta tese analisa a utilização dos resultados do Sistema de Avaliação de Rendimento Escolar do Estado de São Paulo SARESP, do ano de 2000, como instrumento para direcionar as ações no nível das Diretorias de Ensino, visando à melhoria da qualidade do ensino público. Foram analisados 88 Relatórios de Avaliação do SARESP elaborados pelas Diretorias de Ensino, buscando-se identificar quais as propostas de ações políticas foram subsidiadas pelos resultados do SARESP e qual o potencial de essas ações melhorarem a qualidade do ensino. A partir da referência à reforma do papel do Estado, à política educacional em São Paulo e à avaliação educacional, detalhamos e aprofundamos a análise sobre o contexto de implantação e as principais características do SARESP, assim como sobre a utilização dos resultados da avaliação pelas Diretorias de Ensino. No decorrer do processo de investigação, ao ter conhecimento do conteúdo dos relatórios, ampliamos as questões inicialmente estabelecidas, analisando também os avanços e as dificuldades no desenvolvimento do trabalho pedagógico e algumas tendências que sinalizam a que tem servido a avaliação para além da produção da melhoria da qualidade do ensino nas escolas estaduais. Defendemos a tese que embora o SARESP tenha possibilidade de ser um instrumento para direcionar ações e políticas visando construir a qualidade do ensino nas escolas públicas estaduais, por estar alicerçado nos testes de rendimento dos alunos tem sido utilizado muito mais para dar visibilidade a esses resultados por escolas, estabelecendo um ranking que gera a comparação entre elas. Essa política faz parte de um movimento mundial de reformas educativas que buscam qualificar o ensino público com a criação de mecanismos que objetivam a competição entre as escolas. Ao fazer essa opção, essa política deixa de possibilitar que as escolas e as Diretorias de Ensino possam refletir sobre as condições nas quais os rendimentos dos alunos são alcançados e de propor iniciativas, ações e alternativas que viabilizem a construção de uma escola pública de qualidade. / This thesis analyzes the use of the results of the System of Evaluation of School Achievement of the State of São Paulo (Sistema de Avaliação de Rendimento Escolar do Estado de São Paulo) SARESP, of the year of 2000, as an instrument to address the actions of the School Boards, seeking the improvement of the public teaching quality. 88 SARESPs Evaluation Reports were analyzed. They were elaborated by the then existent School Boards with the purpose of identifying which proposals of political actions were subsidized by the results of SARESP and what was the potential of those actions to enhance the quality of teaching. Starting from the reference to the reform of the role of the State, to the education politics in São Paulo and to the educational evaluation, more specifically to the evaluation of education systems, we both detailed and deepened the analysis on the implantation context and the main characteristics of SARESP, as well as the use of the evaluation results of the year 2000 by the School Boards. During the investigation process, knowing about the content of the reports, we enlarged the questions initially established, also analyzing the progresses and the difficulties in the development of the pedagogic work and some tendencies that signal what the evaluation serves for besides the enhancement of teaching quality in the state schools. We defend the thesis that, although SARESP can be an instrument to direct actions and policies in order to build up the teaching quality in the state schools, because it is founded in achievement tests, it has been used much more to give visibility to those results by schools, establishing a ranking that generates comparison among schools. This policy is part of a worldwide movement of educational reforms that seek to qualify the public teaching with the creation of mechanisms that aim at the competition among schools. When getting this option, this policy stops making possible that the schools and the School Boards can think about the conditions in which the students\' achievements are reached and can propose initiatives, actions and alternatives to make possible the construction of a public school with quality.

O presente trabalho discute o direito à educação básica em Moçambique. Compreendendo o direito à educação como um conjunto de condições que asseguram o acesso, permanência e conclusão de um determinado nível de educação escolar, visa examinar as implicações da reorganização política e econômica do Estado moçambicano na efetivação do direito à educação básica, entre 1987 e 2007. Através de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e análise da literatura especializada reflete sobre os fundamentos do direito à educação e analisa as políticas de educação básica em Moçambique. Para o efeito, além das políticas de educação, analisa dados estatísticos do Sistema Nacional de Educação de Moçambique. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos, sendo um primeiro de revisão teórica e dois que discutem Estado e políticas de educação em Moçambique no contexto das orientações político-econômicas. No fim, são apresentadas algumas considerações sobre as implicações da reforma do Estado em Moçambique na efetivação do direito à educação básica, com alguns apontamentos sobre as contradições entre o ideário que preconiza a educação enquanto um direito social de cidadania e os pressupostos neoliberais que fundamentam as reformas em causa. / This work intends to contribute to the debate on the right to basic education in Mozambique. Including the right to education as a set of conditions that ensure access, retention and completion of a certain level of education aims to examine the implications of political and economic reorganization of the Mozambican state in the realization of the right to basic education between 1987 and 2007. Through literature and documents and qualitative analysis of the literature, reflects on the foundations of the right to education and examines the policies of basic education in Mozambique. To this end, in addition to education policies, data from the National System of Education in Mozambique are analyzed. The work is divided into three chapters, with the first of theoretical review and two another chapters discussing state and education policies in Mozambique in the context of political-economic review guidelines. In the end, we present some considerations about the implications of state reform in Mozambique in the realization of the right to basic education, with some notes on the contradictions between the ideology which advocates education as a social right of citizenship and neoliberal assumptions that underlie reforms in question.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO 1Amilton.pdf: 1471692 bytes, checksum: bc2fb7c772b2034e988d908cfd1113b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-01 / This study aims at analyzing the mediations, positions and contradictions presented among the assumptions which guide the curriculum selected by the Municipal General Office of Education of Cascavel (SEMED) and by the Association of Municipalities of Western Paraná (AMOP) with the theoretical and ideological assumptions set at the event of the Basic Education Reform in the 1990s expressed in the National Curriculum Guidelines and in the National Curriculum Parameters. When it comes to the development of the analysis, the social, political, economic and ideological chances in the capitalist society at the end of the twentieth century are considered with the intention to point out that these changes do not mean some kind of rapture, they are seen as an effect descendant from the capacity of the capitalism reorganization. In the course of research developing, it was brought out that these social changes are found in the globalization ideology and in the post-modernity ideology. In this changing context, without the rapture from the capitalist society of, are engendered the State reforms, the Education reforms and the School Curriculum reforms which have been implemented in Brazil since the 1990s. Regarding both the Education and the School Curriculum reform, this survey seeks to present elements which prove that these movements result from the Estate reform, and simultaneously, they give sustentation to the body politic, for the justification presented at the scope of the Reform is that a new society requires a new man and a new education, therefore, a new curriculum. It is believed that the Reform process implemented in Brazil is full of ideological objectives, intending to promote respect to differences, to tolerance and to pluralism, in order to protect, from any criticism, a society model established from exploration. However, this does not occur in a harmonious way, once the contradictory interests found in society come about with the intention of alternatives to the hegemonic thinking of the group who detain the material power. In doing so, the construction process, as well as the theoretical assumptions from two curricular proposals are shown, once they aim at showing in a critical and counter-hegemonic manner and, also, at focusing on the dialectical historical materialism assumptions; these are the Western Paraná Public School Curriculum (2007), created under AMOP coordination, and the Curriculum for Public Schools in the Municipality of Cascavel (2008), which was elaborated by the Municipal General Office of Education. With the analysis of both proposals, it is thought to investigate the possible mediations, positions and contradictions established with the theoretical and ideological assumptions expressed in the National Curriculum Guidelines and in the National Curriculum Parameters. / O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar as mediações, alinhamentos e contradições entre os pressupostos que orientam o currículo adotado pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação do Município de Cascavel (SEMED) e o currículo elaborado pela Associação dos Municípios do Oeste do Paraná (AMOP) e os pressupostos teóricos e ideológicos exigidos no contexto da Reforma da Educação Básica na década de 1990, expressos nas Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais (DCNs) e nos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCNs). Para o desenvolvimento da análise, consideramos as transformações sociais, políticas, econômicas e ideológicas da sociedade capitalista do final do século XX, com o intuito de demonstrar que essas mudanças, longe de significarem rupturas, resultam da capacidade de rearticulação do capitalismo. No decorrer da pesquisa, procuramos destacar que essas transformações apóiam-se na ideologia da globalização e da pós-modernidade. É nesse contexto de transformações sem ruptura da sociedade capitalista que são engendradas as reformas do Estado, da educação e do currículo escolar implementadas no Brasil a partir da década de 1990. No que se refere à reforma da educação e do currículo escolar, procuramos apresentar elementos que comprovem que estas, ao mesmo tempo em que resultam da reforma do Estado, dão-lhe sustentação, pois a justificativa apresentada no âmbito da reforma é a de que uma nova sociedade exige um novo homem e uma nova educação, e, portanto, um novo currículo. Verificamos que o processo de reformas implementadas no Brasil está impregnado de objetivos ideológicos, com o pretexto de promover o respeito às diferenças, a tolerância e o pluralismo, a fim de resguardar de qualquer crítica um modelo de sociedade assentada sobre a exploração. No entanto, isso não ocorre de forma harmoniosa, pois os interesses antagônicos presentes na sociedade manifestam-se também na proposição de alternativas ao pensamento hegemônico do grupo que detém o poder material. Nesse sentido, tratamos do processo de construção, bem como dos pressupostos teóricos de duas propostas curriculares que buscam se colocar de maneira crítica e contra-hegemônica, pautando-se nos pressupostos do materialismo histórico dialético. Trata-se do Currículo para a Escola Pública do Oeste do Paraná (2007), cuja elaboração foi coordenada pela AMOP, e o Currículo para a Escola Pública do Município de Cascavel (2008), que teve sua elaboração coordenada pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação. Com a análise de tais propostas, procuramos investigar as possíveis mediações, alinhamentos e contradições que se estabelecem em relação aos pressupostos teóricos e ideológicos expressos nos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais e nas Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1Dissertacao Raquel Speck.pdf: 186618 bytes, checksum: 57eea1ba0c0f50f98d0fe962611b5fcf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-19 / This study has as objective to contribute to the understanding of managemental administration model, applied to the field of educational management. For that, it searched to evidence the main points that characterize this type of management, identifying, initially, the ways in which it reveals itself in public administration and the possible implications for educational management. The research elected as analysis object the Plan of Development of the School (PDEE), a program of the Ministry of Education - MEC for school management. By the analysis of its theoretical methodological beddings, it sought to identify to what extent the program makes use of the managerialist conception in and for education management. First of all, the study oriented itself towards the understanding of the reform of Administrative Apparatus of the State, whereas the international context of administrative reforms and capitalist restructuring. After that, it analyzed the way that education reform was conducted and the educational politics resulting of it. The accomplished study evidenced the bases of sustentation of PDEE, its entailing with the FUNDESCOLA and also with the Education Development Plan (PDE). The proposed analysis aimed to show in what dimension Brazilian education reform incorporated and materialized the most important aspects of the managerial proposal of State reform, underlying to the organization, financing and management, instituting a framework of directed politics to attribute greater responsibility to local spheres (city departments of education and pertaining to school units). Understanding the PDEE as a result of this context of reforms, this research demonstrates despite the program in analysis emphasizes technician and organizational aspects of school management, with sights to endow it with bigger ―efficiency‖, in detriment of that relative to education and learning. In conclusive terms, the research points that the PDEE, while proposal, presents elements that characterize the managemental model of administration, originating from practices of private sector. / Este estudo tem como objetivo contribuir para o entendimento do modelo de administração gerencial, aplicado ao campo da gestão educacional. Para tanto, buscou evidenciar os principais aspectos que caracterizam este tipo de gestão, identificando, inicialmente, as formas pelas quais o mesmo se revela na administração pública e as possíveis implicações para a gestão educacional. A pesquisa elegeu como objeto de análise o Plano de Desenvolvimento da Escola (PDEE), programa do Ministério da Educação MEC para a gestão escolar. Através da análise dos seus fundamentos teórico-metodológicos, procurou identificar em que medida o programa faz uso da concepção gerencialista na e para a gestão da educação. Primeiramente, o estudo orientou-se no sentido da compreensão da Reforma do Aparelho Administrativo do Estado, considerando o contexto internacional de reformas administrativa e de reestruturação capitalista. Em seguida, analisou a forma como foi conduzida a reforma da educação e o quadro de políticas educacionais dela decorrentes. O estudo realizado evidenciou as bases de sustentação do PDEE, sua vinculação com o FUNDESCOLA e também com o Plano de Desenvolvimento da Educação (PDE). A análise proposta procurou mostrar em que medida a reforma da educação brasileira incorporou e materializou os aspectos mais importantes da proposta gerencial da reforma do Estado, subjacentes à organização, financiamento e gestão, instituindo um quadro de políticas voltadas a atribuir maior responsabilidade às esferas locais (secretarias municipais de educação e unidades escolares). Entendendo o PDEE como fruto deste contexto de reformas, esta pesquisa demonstra ainda que o programa em tela enfatiza os aspectos técnicos e organizacionais da gestão escolar, com vistas a dotá-la de maior ―eficiência‖, em detrimento daqueles relativos ao ensino e aprendizagem. Em termos conclusivos, a pesquisa aponta que o PDEE, enquanto proposta, apresenta elementos que caracterizam o modelo gerencial de administração, oriundo de práticas do setor privado.