Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The relationship between church and state in the history of the Kingdom of Lesotho is an important yet neglected study. This thesis explores how this relationship has played itself out with particular interest in contributions made by Catholic and Reformed traditions. These particular approaches to Church and State relations are of particular interest because of the closeness of both churches to the state in Lesotho during different eras and how they influenced the politics and shaped the history of Lesotho as a country. Sesotho culture and tradition versus western tradition and Christianity also comes under the microscope as investigation into the effects of Christianity and Culture. To accomplish the aims of the thesis, viz. a survey of the history of church and state from the time of King Moshoeshoe until the newest situation of an emerging democracy under the monarchy, with conclusions about the road into the future, a literature survey of Lesotho’s history from 1833-2007 has been used. The thesis also places the history of the church in Lesotho within the “mainstream history” of Lesotho as a country. A comparison of traditional approaches to church and state relationships from leading Catholic and Reformed theologians and an assessment of how they played out in the history of Lesotho if they were applied at all. Furthermore, the thesis suggests a new way in which the Church and State can work together in the future so that mistakes of the past do not hinder either party from actively staying relevant and unhindered by the other in carrying out its duties.

L’institution basilicale, ancrée dans le plus ancien passé de Rome, s’est longtemps caractérisée par un plan architectural spécifique héritant de l’édifice païen. Enrichie de privilèges liturgiques, partageant parfois les fonctions ou entrant en concurrence avec la cathédrale, graduellement dotée d’un statut canonique, la basilique constitue aussi un enjeu des relations que l’Église catholique romaine entretint avec les États et, au-delà, avec les sociétés civiles. La symbolique puissante et le prestige attachés aux basiliques – et au premier chef à celles, majeures et patriarcales, de la Ville – ont commandé, pour partie sur le fondement d’un décret de Pie VII daté de 1805, l’élaboration d’une politique pontificale d’octroi du titre de basilique mineure à des sanctuaires inscrits à la fois, moyennant un jeu d’échelles complexe, dans leur espace local et dans la dimension universelle, confluence permettant notamment aux pontifes de les utiliser comme relais de l’enseignement magistériel. Après le concile Vatican II et le décret du 9 novembre 1989 de l’actuelle Congrégation pour le Culte divin et la Discipline des Sacrements, la requête d’institution basilicale est d’abord appréciée au niveau de l’Église locale (diocèse et Conférence des évêques) avant d’être transférée au Saint-Siège, ce qui témoigne de la revalorisation des Églises particulières dans le processus. Celui-ci implique une relation triangulaire entre les trois protagonistes que sont le Saint-Siège, les responsables politiques de la région ou du pays où se trouve l’édifice construit ou à construire et le « peuple chrétien » concerné par la basilique instituée ou candidate au statut. In fine, c’est l’usage de la basilique par les fidèles, les pèlerins et les visiteurs qui contribue à définir l’importance générale de telle ou telle basilique pour l’Eglise. Le présent travail interroge sur la raison d’être et les caractéristiques propres aux basiliques, leur développement et leur multiplication à partir du XIXe siècle et surtout des pontificats qui ont suivi Vatican II ; sur 1.765 basiliques recensées actuellement, moins de 150 appartiennent à la période antique, médiévale et moderne, autant au XIXe siècle, mais plus d’un millier sont instituées au XXe siècle et plus de 200 depuis l’an 2000. Leur statut d’églises éminentes semble s’accommoder de leur expansion et de l’augmentation de leur fréquentation, voire les favoriser. Ce mouvement dynamique contemporain mérite d’être évalué comme signe de vitalité ecclésiale, de mutation autoentretenue ou de déploiement des orientations de Vatican II. À défaut de propositions d’évolution juridique, qui ne semblent pas s’imposer dans l’état actuel des choses, le présent travail contribue à une réflexion sur l’avenir de l’institution basilicale. / The basilican institution, rooted in the oldest past of Rome, has long been characterized by a specific architectural plan inheriting the previous pagan building. Enriched with liturgical privileges, sometimes sharing the functions or competing with the cathedral, gradually having a canonical status, the basilica was also involved in the relations that the Roman Catholic Church maintained with the states and civil societies. The powerful symbolism and prestige attached to the basilicas - and first and foremost to the City's major and patriarchal basilicas - commanded, partly on the basis of a decree of pope Pius VII (1805), the elaboration of a pontifical policy linked to the granting of the title of minor basilica. The Holy-See then granted the basilican title to shrines inscribed simultaneously in their local space and in the universal dimension, confluence allowing especially the pontiffs to use them as relay of magisterial teaching.After the Vatican II’s council and the decree of 9 November 1989 of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, the query for a basilican institution is first appreciated at the level of the local Church (Diocese and Conference of Bishops) before being transferred to the Holy See, an evolution which indicates the revalorization of the particular Churches in the institutional process. The actors involved in the basilica’s case of recognition present a triangular relationship between the Holy See, the political leaders of the region or country where the building is constructed or to be built and the "Christian people" concerned by the established or candidate basilica status. Ultimately, it is the current use of the basilica by the faithful, pilgrims and visitors that helps to define the general importance of this or that basilica for the Church.The present work questions the usefulness of basilicas, their development and multiplication from the nineteenth century and especially during the pontificates that followed Vatican II. From a total of 1.765 basilicas currently listed, less than 150 belong to the ancient, medieval and modern period, as much in the nineteenth century, but more than a thousand were instituted in the twentieth century and more than 200 since 2000. Their status as eminent churches seems to be accommodating themselves to their expansion and the increase in their attendance, or even to encourage this development. This dynamic contemporary movement has to be evaluated as a sign of ecclesial vitality, self-sustaining change or deployment of the Vatican II orientations.In the absence of proposals for legal evolution in this thesis, proposals which do not seem to be necessary in the current state of affairs, the present work contributes to a reflection on the basilican future in general in order to better define its coming trajectory.

Urban transportation networks are vulnerable to various incidents. In order to combat the negative effects due to incident-related congestion, various mitigation strategies have been proposed and implemented. The effectiveness of these congestion mitigation strategies for incident conditions largely depends on the accuracy of information regarding network conditions. Therefore, an efficient and accurate procedure to determine the link states, reflected by flows and density over time, is essential to incident management. This thesis presents a user equilibrium Dynamic Traffic Assignment (DTA) model that incorporates the Cell Transmission Model (CTM) to evaluate the temporal variation of flow and density over links, which reflect the link states of a transportation network. Encapsulation of the CTM equips the model with the capability of accepting inputs of incidents like duration and capacity reduction. Moreover, the proposed model is capable of handling multiple origin-destination (OD) pairs. By using this model, the temporal variation of flows over links can be readily evaluated. The visualized prediction of link density variations is used to investigate the link state relationships. By isolating the effects of an incident, the parallel routes of a specific OD pair display the relationship of substituting for each other, which is consistent with the general expectation regarding such parallel routes. A closer examination of the density variations confirms the existence of a substitution relationship between the unshared links of the two parallel routes. This information regarding link state relationship can be used as general guidance for incident management purposes. / Master of Science

A Responsabilidade Social Corporativa (RSC) pode ser vista como resultado de forças institucionais e políticas que influenciam a adoção de certas práticas pelas empresas na busca por legitimidade. Tais práticas incluem a colaboração com o Estado a partir de políticas já existentes, além de esforços da empresa para criar novas políticas. Empresas também colaboram com o Estado na sua capacidade administrativa e física para resolver problemas sociais. Isso pode ser feito por filantropia ou participação em programas governamentais ou pelo desenvolvimento de soluções inovadoras por parte da empresa (Zhao, 2012). O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar como as empresas brasileiras utilizam a RSC em suas estratégias de legitimidade política e qual o papel desempenhado pelas fundações corporativas (FCs) nesse processo. Realizou-se uma análise qualitativa de conteúdo sobre as interações entre empresa-Estado a partir de 104 relatórios de sustentabilidade, no período entre 2015-2017, de empresas listadas na B3 (Brasil, Bolsa, Balcão), em junho de 2017 A análise qualitativa foi realizada para identificar as interações empresa-Estado nos relatórios e para classificá-las em tipos de estratégias de legitimidade via RSC. Por análises de regressão, buscou-se evidenciar as diferenças na adoção de estratégias de legitimação política via RSC entre empresas que possuem fundação e aquelas que não possuem. Foram definidas as seguintes hipóteses: H1 - Empresas que possuem fundações corporativas exercem mais a RSC que cria novos arranjos políticos do que as empresas que não possuem fundações corporativas; H2 - Empresas que possuem fundações corporativas exercem mais a RSC que cria novas capacidades para que o estado responda a questões socioambientais do que as empresas que não possuem fundações corporativas; H3 - Empresas que possuem fundações colaboram de forma mais intensiva com organizações sem fins lucrativos do que aquelas que não possuem fundações. Os dados gerais (empresas com e sem FCs) mostram uma média maior de atividades de legitimidade política via RSC, classificadas como Estratégia: \"Políticas existem, empresas usufruem\", indicando uma dependência das atividades de RSC às leis de incentivo e em conformidade com regulamentações em áreas como meio ambiente. Em relação às FCs, análises de regressão mostraram influência significativa das FCs nas estratégias de \"Mudar arranjos políticos existentes\" e \"Fornecer inovação para a capacidade operacional e decisória do Estado\". Foram encontradas atividades na área de formulação de políticas públicas setoriais, de educação, além da participação das fundações na gestão pública, fornecendo novas soluções para problemas sociais em parceria com o Estado. / Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is the result of institutional and political forces that influence the adoption of certain practices by companies in their search for legitimacy. Such practices include collaboration with the state by existing policies, as well as company\'s efforts to create new policies. Companies also collaborate with the state in its administrative and physical capacity to solve social problems. Philanthropy or participation in government programs or the development of innovative solutions by the company can be a mean to do that. (Zhao, 2012). The objective of this research is to analyze how Brazilian companies use CSR in their political legitimacy strategies and what is the role played by corporate foundations (CF\'s) in this process. A qualitative content analysis on firm-State interactions was carried out with 104 sustainability reports, from the period between 2015-2017, of companies listed in B3 (Brazilian stock market) in June 2017. The qualitative analysis was performed to identify the firm-State interactions in the reports and to classify them into types of legitimacy strategies via CSR. Regression analyzes showed the differences in the adoption of political legitimation strategies via CSR between companies that have foundations and those that do not have. The following hypotheses have been defined: H1 - Companies with Corporate Foundations engage in more CSR activities that creates new political arrangements (\"Policy exploration\" strategy) than companies that do not have CF\'s; H2 - Companies that have Corporate Foundations engage in more CSR activities that creates new capacities for the state to respond to socio-environmental issues (\" Capacity exploration\" strategy) than companies that do not have CF\'s; H3 - Companies with Corporate Foundations collaborate more intensively with non-profit organizations than those without CF\'s. The general data (companies with and without CF\'s) show a greater average of activities of political legitimacy via CSR activities classified as \"Policy Exploitation\" strategy, indicating a dependence of CSR activities on incentive laws and in compliance with regulations in areas such as the environment. Regarding to the CF\'s, regression analyzes showed a significant influence of the CF\'s in \"Policy exploration\" and \" Capacity exploration\" strategies. There were found activities in the area of sectoral public policies formulation, education. In addition to those indirect activities on the State, the reports showed the foundations\' involvement in public management, providing new solutions to social problems in partnership with the State.

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In july 1999, the former President Lee of R.O.C. made a response to questions submitted by the reporter of Deutsche Welle radio station from German. Lee brought up an idea that the cross-strait relationship is "as a state-to-state relationship or at least a special state-to-state relationship." Thus, the statement caused different reflection from internal and international. The statement of "a special state-to-state relationship" that represents in sovereignty and the statehood between the cross-strait relationship abandons the "one China" principle that R.C.C.insisted in the past but differs from the view of P.R.C.. Certainly, P.R.C. criticized such kind of statement that violates "one China" principle and blocks the process of the national unification.Soon, P.R.C. unilaterally declared the fundation of the exchange and the discussion not existed any more. After a series of verbally disparaged and militarily intimidated from P.R.C. and not supported from U.S.A. government, R.O.C. has obviously shrunken back in the statement of "a special state-to-state relationship".Even after the D.D.P. which was definded independential party won the president campain of 2000, the president elect Cheng didn't show out his view of suportting "a special state-to-state relationship" and amending constitution and as soon as possible that brought up before the president campain. Therefor, in the process after bringing up "a special state-to-state relationship", it show out an epitome of the sovereignty conflict between the cross-strait. In fact, the statement of sovereignty that the R.O.C government declared from 1949 had been suppressed by P.R.C.. In the international politics, it bulges out the difficult position of R.O.C.'s sovereignty. The thesis, "the sovereignty between R.O.C. and P.R.C.", investigates the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait from 1949 to 2000. It founds on an approach of international politics and international law. Though sovereignty is the issue of international law. But the thesis supposes an idea that the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait is an political issue more than a legal. The thesis would prove this view by describing the international political events and bringing up a series of international contracts, official proclamation of the sovereignty issue between the cross-strait from 1949.So, the conclusion of the thesis would bring up a point, that is the difficult position of R.O.C.'s sovereignty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:12:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Cristina Echevengua Teixeira.pdf: 1093859 bytes, checksum: ba5e77af9a887c162c1c0ee69dca75bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In Brazil, when one refers to official dance companies, what first comes up is the cultural journalism ignorance regarding the complexity they imply. What can be known about their operation if the media is silent, without informing the commitments arising from the fact their funding form is linked to laws and rulings that ignore their artistic nature? If the cultural journalism fails to explore the particular aspects of the power relationship between art and State manifested in the artistic existence of these companies, what does actually become public about them? This paper is based on the hypothesis of how successful the French model of official company, whose roots are connected to Louis XIV, was in Brazil, before the Portuguese colony, in the shows that took place here and before the critics at the times each one of these phenomena refers to, important allies to activate such victorious building. With Corpomídia Theory (KATZ; GREINER, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2006) it was possible to leverage the hypothesis that official companies operate by communicating their colonial ideology (the monarchies of Central Europe in the XVII, XVIII and XIX centuries), and the political terms of their foundation at the places where they are established. This double connection is found in its very own operation structure. This hypothesis can be built when one understands the body in codependence with the environments, in an ongoing process of changes of both environments, as the corpomídia concept suggests. By articulating the post-colonial reflection made by Agamben (2004), Bhabha (2007), Buarque de Holanda (1995, 2010), Elias (1990, 1993, 2001), among other researchers devoted to the embeddedness of communication with culture, it was possible to research the situation of the 15 Brazilian official dance companies through the relationship between media and power. The purpose of the research was to show that, in order to change the current situation, it is necessary to provide media visibility to the dance-State relationship, taking into account the weak communication of these days. Interviews with the directors of these companies were carried out, as well as bibliographic review that added to the authors mentioned the research of Brazilian Federal Registers, and valuable historical documents found in the collection of Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF), mainly at Bibliothèque-Musée de L Opéra, thanks to a four-month scholarship granted by CAPES / No Brasil, quando se fala sobre companhias oficiais de dança, o que primeiro aparece é a negligência do jornalismo cultural no que diz respeito à complexidade do que elas envolvem. O que se sabe sobre seu funcionamento se as mídias silenciam, sem informar sobre os comprometimentos advindos da sua forma de financiamento ser atrelada a leis e decretos que ignoram a sua natureza artística? Se o jornalismo cultural não explora os meandros da relação de poder entre arte e Estado, que se manifesta na forma de existência artística dessas companhias, o que, de fato, se torna público a seu respeito? Esta tese parte da hipótese de que o sucesso que o modelo francês de companhia oficial, de raízes ligadas a Luís XIV, teve no Brasil encontrou, na presença colonial portuguesa, nos espetáculos que aqui foram apresentados e nos críticos das épocas a que cada um desses fenômenos se refere, aliados potentes para o ativamento dessa construção vitoriosa. Com a Teoria Corpomídia (KATZ; GREINER, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2006), foi possível alavancar a hipótese de que as companhias oficiais atuam comunicando a sua ideologia colonial (as monarquias centro-europeias dos séculos XVII, XVIII e XIX) e as condições políticas de sua fundação nos locais onde se estabelecem. Essa dupla vinculação encontra-se encarnada na sua própria estrutura de funcionamento. Essa hipótese pode ser construída quando se entende o corpo em codependência com os ambientes, em um processo permanente de transformações de ambos, como propõe o conceito de corpomídia. Articulando a reflexão pós-colonial de Agamben (2004), Bhabha (2007), Buarque de Holanda (1995, 2010), Elias (1990, 1993, 2001), entre outros teóricos dedicados à imbricação da comunicação com a cultura, tornou-se possível pesquisar a situação das 15 companhias brasileiras oficiais de dança por meio da relação entre mídia e poder. A pesquisa teve como objetivo evidenciar que para modificar a situação atual torna-se necessário dar visibilidade midiática para a relação dança-Estado, levando em conta a comunicação precária hoje existente. Foram realizadas entrevistas com os diretores dessas companhias, bem como uma revisão bibliográfica que agregou aos autores citados o vasculhamento de Diários Oficiais e documentos históricos preciosos encontrados nos acervos da Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF), sobretudo na Bibliothèque-Musée de L Opéra, graças à uma bolsa-sanduíche de quatro meses concedida pela CAPES

中共對外使用武力是一個很複雜、龐大的研究議題。自中共建政以來，不僅和意識形態對立的美國發生嚴重的軍事衝突，亦和同屬社會主義陣營的蘇聯、越南爆發軍事衝突；除了涉及統一問題而爆發多次台海危機外，亦與第三世界大國印度爆發大規模邊境衝突。早期的研究通常從冷戰的角度出發，帶有明顯的工具性質，但囿於資料保密，使得研究成果難以突破，臆測性大於實證性，此窘境直至冷戰結束後始有轉變。 有利於學術研究氛圍的主要因素有四點：一是前蘇聯、美國檔案的解密、部分中共檔案的開放、及少數智庫提供部分解密檔案，使得研究者可以取得重要的一手資料；二是關鍵人物之訪談與回憶錄的出版，可以補充檔案文獻的不足；三是中國崛起與中國威脅論成為國際關注焦點後，連帶地使得軍事議題浮上檯面，西方學界主要從權力結構及歷史的角度關注中國權力增長的意義，透過中共使用武力的分析，藉以預測未來是否出現權力轉移與中國在軍事上的應對方式；四是1995-96年台海危機的爆發，以及近期中共與越南、菲律賓及日本，因南海島礁與釣魚臺主權爭議問題而引發的衝突，使得有關中共對外使用武力的研究再度引起學界的關注。 目前有關中共使用武力的研究範疇相當廣泛，少數研究採取多重案例研究，嘗試歸納出中共對外使用武力的模式、步驟、原則或特徵；多數的研究則針對單一案例研究，並聚焦於分析中共發動戰爭的原因。此外，學界開始從歷史文獻分析轉而採取理論分析與建構。凡此種種，皆提供了一個重新詮釋中共對外使用武力的視野。然而，現有的研究成果雖然相當豐碩，卻無法建立一個一般性的分析框架或理論性模式，並且忽略中共對外使用武力的預防性動機與其政策選擇之間的動態關係，因此無法完整地解釋中共對外使用武力行為。 本文的研究目的並不是建立一個宏大的普遍理論，而是在一定的時空範疇內針對某一類現象建立一個合理、具有經驗性與理論性意涵的模式。換言之，即是借鑒相關國際關係、心理學及經濟學等相關理論的核心概念，並透過將中共對外使用武力的原因概念化過程，以預防性動機為主軸，提出一個「中共對外使用武力之動態衝突抉擇模式」，以解釋：中共較容易與何者發生軍事衝突、領導人在戰爭（衝突）前的認知、為何會使用武力、以及使用武力的決策選擇如何確立？並透過六個正例（1950年韓戰、1953-54年第一次台海危機、1962年中印邊境衝突、1969年珍寶島衝突、1979年懲越戰爭、1995-96年第三次台海危機）及一個反例（1999年「特殊國與國關係」）的多重案例檢驗，以回答上述的問題。 本文的研究發現： 一、中共的確比較容易與實力或意圖上具有潛在挑戰其周邊權力地位的國家發生軍事衝突。 二、中共領導人在戰爭（衝突）前，的確有產生錯誤認知。 三、中共是出於防止周邊權力地位衰退的預防性動機而對外使用武力。 四、中共對外使用武力中，領導人對周邊權力地位衰退的程度與衰退的必然性之認知強弱，會影響其決策選擇。