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Colonization has had a detrimental impact on Indigenous peoples and communities. Colonization has and continues to remove Indigenous peoples from full participation in Canadian society, which has forced some Indigenous men to search out other avenues in order to gain power, respect, and economic capital to survive. It is the direct result of colonial-shaped socio-political histories and ideologies that have led to the creation and proliferation of urban Indigenous street gangs. This dissertation examines 16 Indigenous male ex-gang members and their perceptions of masculinity, identity, and how this is supported through their involvement within a street gang. Relational accountability was the methodology utilized to engage and support the men through the course of the research process. It was from the focal point of relational accountability that photovoice methods could be modified to accommodate the lived realities of the men during the time of the study. Overall, fifteen individuals participated in the study, with nine engaging in photovoice methods to document and explain how they understood and practiced masculinity. The nine men, who completed photovoice, had their photographs and narratives brought together to create Brighter Days Ahead, to give back to the organization STR8 UP and help inform the broader community about the multiple issues that Indigenous youth face in the Canadian Prairies. The role of masculinity was integral for the men’s inclusion into street gangs. Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity and Bourdieu’s concept of habitus helped to create a framework to understand why some Indigenous men see street gangs as a viable option to practice masculinity. By examining the men’s histories, with a focus on their relationships’ with parents, siblings, family, peers, and social institutions, a more robust understanding the linkages to street gang involvement is created. The street gang epitomized the ideal “man”— tough, independent, emotion-less, and powerful, as it were these individual’s whom they would target for their recruitment. Analysis of the men’s narratives and photographs revealed how violence and trauma impacted their notions of maleness. It was through violent and traumatic experiences that the men would create a “mask” that they would wear to help them engage in hyper-violent behaviours within multiple fields and protect them from further victimization. This study directs our attention to focus future research on: 1) the impacts of colonization as both a historical and contemporary factor in the lives of Indigenous peoples; 2) the importance of relational accountability within the research process; 3) the potential of photovoice methods in expanding street gangs research; and 4) the need for gang prevention and intervention programming to focus on the concept of masculinity in order to deter gang involvement amongst Indigenous males and build healthier stronger communities.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The inhabitants of Kinshasa, who call themselves Kinois, deal with insecurity and violence on a daily basis. Cheating and thefts are commonplace, and pillaging by street gangs and robberies by armed thieves are everyday occurrences. The state infrastructure is so poorly regulated that deaths by accident or medical negligence are also common. This, and much more, contributes to a challenging social milieu within which the Kinois’ best hope is simply to ‘make do’. This thesis, based on extensive fieldwork in Kinshasa, analyses different forms of violence which affect the Kinois on a daily basis. I argue that the Kinois’ concept of violence, mobulu, differs from Western definitions, which define violence as an intrinsically negative and destructive force. Mobulu is for the Kinois a potentially constructive phenomenon, which allows them to build relationships, coping strategies and new social phenomena. Violence is perceived as a transformative force, through which people build meaningful lives in the face of the hardship of everyday life. Broadly speaking, this thesis contributes to the Anthropology of violence which has too often focused on how violence is imposed upon a population, often from a structural level of a state and its institutions. Such an approach fails to account for the nuances of alternate perspectives of what ‘violence’ is, as evidenced in this thesis through the prism of the Kinois term mobulu. The concept of mobulu highlights the creativity of those forced to ‘make do’ on the streets of Kinshasa, to negotiate not only every day physical needs, for food and shelter, but also to navigate the mystical violence of witchcraft. By exploring the coping mechanisms across all sections of society, I analyse how the Kinois not only have built their lives in the wake of the violence of the state, but they have also found means of empowerment within it, using mobulu as a springboard for the development of some social phenomena. Whereas the anthropology of violence has focused mainly on physical and material violence, this thesis also argues that mobulu in Kinshasa is a total social fact that combines state violence with everyday violence, and physical violence with the invisible violence of witchcraft. This thesis seeks to enrich discussions on witchcraft in Kinshasa and in the African context in general, by analysing in depth how the cosmology of Kinshasa has differentiated itself as a result of the politico-economic events of recent decades. As witchcraft and material insecurity go hand in hand, a detailed analysis of the mechanisms of witchcraft is necessary, if we are to grasp the complexity of the concept of mobulu and how material and invisible violence inform each other.

Based upon two years of ethnographic fieldwork in London, England, which incorporated nearly 200 interviews with gang members, gang associates, and police officers, among others, this thesis addresses three questions presently unresolved in the street gangs literature: What is the business of gangs? How are gangs organised? And how do gangs recruit? With regard the business of gangs, this thesis illustrates how recreation, crime, enterprise, and extra-legal governance represent sequential stages in the evolutionary cycle of London’s street gangs. Gang member testimony emphasises how gangs typically begin life as neighbourhood-based peer groups, but also how, in response to external threats and financial commitments, gangs grow to incorporate street-level drugs distribution businesses that very much resemble the multi-level marketing structure of direct-sales companies. People join gangs to make money, achieve status, and obtain protection. Gangs engage in turf wars, acquire violent resources, and develop hierarchical structures in order to maintain provision of these desirable goods and services. Gang organisation, in turn, becomes a function of gang business. To better understand the nature and extent of gang organisation, this thesis moves on to discuss the presence of subgroups, hierarchy and leadership, pecuniary and non-pecuniary incentives, rules, responsibilities, and restrictions, and consequences for absconding within gangs. It further presents how, in order to convey reputation and achieve intimidation, gangs seek association with elements of popular culture that help promote their image. Finally, through the novel application of signalling theory to the gang recruitment process, this thesis demonstrates how gangs face a primary trust dilemma in their uncertainty over the quality of recruits. Given that none of the trust-warranting properties for gang membership can be readily discovered from observation, gangs look for observable signs correlated with these properties. Gangs face a secondary trust dilemma in their uncertainty over the reliability of signs because certain agents (e.g., police informants, rival gang members, and adventure-seekers) have incentives to mimic them. To overcome their informational asymmetry gangs thus screen for signs that are too costly for mimics to fake but affordable for the genuine article. The thesis concludes with a discussion of gang desistance and intervention in the context of escalating youth violence in London.

Bien que les règles de droits et des directives administratives dictent leur conduite, les policiers jouissent d’une latitude considérable dans la manière d’appliquer la loi et de dispenser des services. Puisque l’exercice efficient de toute forme d’autorité nécessite la reconnaissance de sa légitimité (Tyler, 2004), plus l’application de leurs pouvoirs discrétionnaires est jugée arbitraire ou excessive, plus les citoyens risquent d’utiliser des mécanismes normaux d’opposition ou de riposte. Dans cette optique, la présente étude cherche à départager les causes des 15 023 épisodes de voie de fait, menace, harcèlement, entrave et intimidation, qualifiés de défiance, dont les policiers du Service de police de la ville de Montréal (SPVM) ont été la cible entre 1998-2008 selon leur registre des événements (Module d’information policière – MIP). Elle présume qu’à interactions constantes entre la police et les citoyens, les comportements de défiance policière seront fonction du niveau de désordre du quartier et des caractéristiques des personnes impliquées. Plus les policiers interceptent de jeunes, de minorités ethniques et d’individus associés aux gangs de rue, plus ils risquent d’être défiés. Elle suppose également que la probabilité qu’une intervention soit défiée dépend de l’excessivité des activités policières menées dans le quartier. Plus un quartier est sur-contrôlé par rapport à son volume de crimes (overpoliced), plus le climat local est tendu, plus les policiers sont perçus comme étant illégitimes et plus ils risquent d’être défiés lorsqu’ils procèdent à une intervention. Enfin, les comportements de défiance sont peut-être simplement fonction du niveau d’interactions entre les policiers et les citoyens, à conditions sociales et criminogènes des quartiers tenues constantes. Une série d’analyses de corrélation tend à confirmer que les comportements de défiance varient en fonction de l’âge, de l’ethnicité et de l’appartenance à un gang de rue de l’auteur. Par contre, les conditions sociales et criminogènes des quartiers paraissent être des causes antécédentes à la défiance puisqu’elles encouragent un volume plus élevé d’interventions dans les quartiers désorganisés, lequel influe sur le nombre d’incidents de défiance. Contrairement à notre hypothèse, les résultats tendent à démontrer que les policiers risquent davantage d’être défiés dans les quartiers sous-contrôlés (underpoliced). Quant à elles, les analyses multiniveaux suggèrent que le nombre d’incidents de défiance augmente à chaque fois qu’une intervention policière est effectuée, mais que cette augmentation est influencée par les quartiers propices aux activités criminelles des gangs de rue. En ce sens, il est probable que l’approche policière dans les quartiers d’activités « gangs de rue » soit différente, par souci de protection ou par anticipation de problèmes, résultant plus fréquemment en des actes de défiance à l’égard des policiers. / Although the rules of law and administrative directives dictate their conduct, police officers have considerable discretion in how to apply the law and provide services. Since the efficient conduct of all forms of authority requires the awareness of its legitimacy (Tyler, 2004), the more their discretionary powers is deemed arbitrary or excessive, the more citizens are likely to use normal objection or opposition mechanisms. In this context, this study seeks to disentangle the causes of the 15 023 cases of assaults, threats, harassment, obstruction and intimidation, described as defiance, which the police officers of the Service de police de la ville de Montréal (SPVM) were the target of between 1998-2008 according to their register of events (Module d’information policière - MIP). It presumes that with constant interactions level between police and citizens, behaviors of police mistrust will depend on the level of neighborhood disorder and the characteristics of the persons involved. The more the police intercept youths, ethnic minorities and individuals associated with street gangs, the more they are likely to be challenged. It also assumes that the probability that a police intervention be challenged depends on the excessiveness of police activities conducted in the district. The more the neighborhood is overpoliced versus the volume of crimes, the more the local climate is tense, the more the police officers are perceived as being unlawful and they are more likely to be challenged when making an intervention. Finally, defiant behavior may just depend on the level of interaction between police officers and citizens, social and criminogenic conditions of neighborhoods being consistent. A series of correlation analysis tends to confirm that defiant behavior vary according to age, ethnicity and belonging to a street gang of the author. However, the social and criminogenic conditions of neighborhoods appear to be caused by prior defiant behavior because they encourage a higher volume of interventions in the disorganized neighborhoods, which affects the number defiant behavior incidents. Contrary to our hypothesis, the results suggest that police officers are more likely to be challenged in underpoliced neighborhoods. In turn, the multilevel analysis suggests that the number of defiant behavior incidents increases each time a police intervention is performed, but this increase is influenced by neighborhoods conducive to street gang criminal activities. To this effort, it is likely that the police approach in the street gang’s neighborhood activities is different, for the sake of protection or in anticipation of problems, resulting more frequently in defiant behavior acts against police officers.

Les gangs de rue suscitent aujourd’hui l’intérêt de nombreux chercheurs en raison de la menace qu’ils semblent poser à la société et ses institutions. En effet, depuis quelques années, les Services Correctionnels du Québec connaissent une hausse du nombre de personnes incarcérées associées aux gangs de rue et plusieurs questionnements sont soulevés face à la recrudescence de ces groupes en prison. Peu de recherches se sont penchées sur la question des gangs de rue en prison, alors que ceux-ci semblent être à la source de plusieurs problèmes aigus dans les institutions carcérales. Ainsi, ces derniers sont souvent associés à la criminalité et à la violence, que ce soit dans les médias ou dans la littérature scientifique et semblent être la source de plusieurs inquiétudes de la part du grand public; considérés comme imprévisibles et violents, ils font peur. Groupes diversifiés et difficiles à saisir, leur étude se veut non seulement primordiale vu leur nature, mais nécessaire afin d’en saisir la complexité et pouvoir agir, que ce soit au niveau de la prévention, de la gestion ou encore de la répression. Ce mémoire vise donc la compréhension de l’expérience des membres de gangs de rue dans les prisons provinciales québécoises. Dans ce cadre, nous avons procédé par une approche qualitative au moyen d’entretiens de type qualitatif menés auprès de détenus considérés par les services correctionnels comme étant proches ou membres de gangs de rue. Les vingt-et-une entrevues menées nous ont permis d’approfondir et de saisir le vécu de ces derniers en détention. De ces entretiens, trois grandes dimensions sont ressorties, soit l’organisation sociale des gangs de rue en prison, les conditions de détention difficiles dans lesquelles évoluent ces groupes ainsi que leur fonctionnement en prison. Nos analyses nous ont permis de dégager certains constats. À leur arrivée en prison, les individus affiliés aux gangs de rue sont doublement étiquetés, et se retrouvent dans des secteurs de détention spécifiques où les conditions sont particulièrement difficiles à vivre. Dans ce contexte, les gangs de rue tendent à reproduire en prison certains attributs associés aux gangs de rue, notamment une certaine structure et hiérarchie organisationnelle et un esprit de cohésion. Il ressort ainsi de notre étude que cette solidarité semble permettre aux gangs de rue de s’adapter à l’environnement hostile que représente la prison. Toutefois, cette solidarité nous parait être un obstacle ou du moins une difficulté inhérente à la prise en charge et à la gestion des gangs de rue en prison. / Today, street gangs are of great interest for many researchers because of the threat they seem to pose to society and its institutions. In recent years, the Quebec Correctional Services has seen an increase of incarcerated street gang members which has created a number of issues related to the growth of these groups in prison. Furthermore, few studies have addressed the issue of street gang members in prison although they seem to be the source of several serious problems in penal institutions. Street gangs are often associated with criminality and violence, whether in the medias or in scientific papers. They seem to be a great source of concern for the public; and, in general; they are perceived to be unpredictable, and violent, which is creating fear. These groups are ever-evolving, diversified and constantly re-immerging. Thus, the study of these groups is essential largely due to their characteristics, but also necessary in order to grasp their complexity and eventually, to be able to succeed in the control, repression and prevention of these groups. This master seeks to understand the experience of street gang members in provincial prisons. In this context, the choice of the qualitative approach seems entirely justified. The qualitative interviews we conducted with individuals identified by the correctional services to be closely associated to or members of street gangs seemed to us to be in line with the choice of the qualitative approach and were necessary in order to focus on the views and experiences of their life in prison. The twenty-one interviews we conducted with inmates that are associated to a street gang have permitted us to further understand and capture the mentality of those in detention. From these interviews, three major issues have emerged; firstly, the social organization of street gangs, secondly, the harsh prison conditions in which these groups operate and thirdly, how they function and operate in prison. Finally, we have identified some facts from our interviews. When street gang members arrive in prison, they are experiencing a double-labelling, are living in harsh prison conditions and are all housed together. Thus, the characteristics displayed of street gangs in prison is somewhat similar to the behaviour within the community; such as, their subculture, their structure, their positions, the family spirit that characterizes them in the community, their solidarity and violence. The deprivation endured by incarceration added to the characteristics of street gangs lead to a further form of solidarity. This solidarity allows the street gang members to adapt to any hostile environment, including the prison. Finally, this solidarity is certainly an important inherent obstacle to the control of these groups in prison.

According to the 2011 National Gang Threat Assessment created by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, there are more than 33,000 gangs in the United States, cited as being responsible for nearly 48% of the violent crime in the country. Using information drawn from gang-related court cases, this study examines the nature of inter- and intra-gang violence occurring between January 1, 2002-December 31, 2011. An innovative application of network analysis will be used to hone in on rivalries, the existence of possible hierarchy, and the relational and structural characteristics of Blood and Crip gangs in Los Angeles County. Results show that the majority of gang-on-gang violence originates and targets individuals in the city of Los Angeles. Furthermore, more than two-thirds of the violence committed at the hands of Blood and Crip gangs is upon individuals that are not affiliated with a gang. Strategies are offered on how to improve the effectiveness of existing community-based policing or hot-spot policing in areas known to have violent gang-related incidents (Los Angeles City). Furthermore, the implementation of programs designed to assist and deter the formation and proliferation of gangs will result in less gang violence and therefore more time to be spent on creating law enforcement strategies aimed at quelling the more troublesome gang rivalries.