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This paper identifies some key differences between the traditional theoretical definition of soft power, as defined by Joseph Nye and how soft power is used by the government of the Russian Federation. The study uses a framework on propaganda to complement the general soft power theory. Soft power has many aspects, and this study limits to focus solely on the role of propaganda. The application studied is the Sputnik News Agency’s cover of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The findings conclude that Russian propaganda is dominated not by self-promotion, but strictly by reducing the credibility of its opponents. Propaganda can be both hard and soft in nature, depending on the objective.

Inom terrorismforskningen har flera teorier presenterats som förklaringar till varför och hur stater drabbas av terrorism. En stor del av diskursen handlar dock om ursprunget till terrorism och en betydligt mindre del om hur stater skall hantera detta problem. En av de förhållandevis få teoretiska slutsatser som föreslår hur stater bör agera och förhålla sig till terrorism är netwar-konceptet. Det är de positiva antagandena i detta större normativa teoretiska koncept som jag valt att undersöka närmare i uppsatsen. John Arquilla och David Ronfeldt, forskarna bakom netwar, hävdar att stater måste börja organisera sig på samma sätt som terroristgrupperna för att nå framgång i sin bekämpning av dem. De förordar ett nytt sätt för staten hur den bör betrakta dessa motståndare. Till grund för en normativ teori föreligger vanligtvis flera positiva teorier eller antaganden. Det normativa i denna teori, uttalandet om hur stater bör agera, underbyggs av positiva antaganden om hur verkligheten ser ut. För att någon längre fram skall kunna uttala sig om teorins rådgivande slutsatser, om hur det bör ske, behövs först en matchning av hur väl de positiva antagandena stämmer överens med verkligheten. I den positiva delen av teorin beskriver Arquilla och Ronfeldt teoretiskt hur terroristgrupper, netwarriors, är uppbyggda och fungerar. Forskarna bakom netwar-konceptet ställer det relativt kontroversiella anspråket att teorin passar all sorts terrorism. Genom att kartlägga hur väl den teoretiska beskrivningen av en netwarrior passar på en slags terrorismgrupp vill jag försöka komma fram till huruvida teorins normativa del kan anses ha väl underbyggda antaganden.

Abstract Equality between donor and receiver, a study about equality in the Swedish aid politics 1960 – 2000. Essay in political science, C-level, at Karlstads University, by Britt-Louise Orrmalm Karlsson. Spring 2006. Tutor: Hans Lödén. Sweden has a history as an official aid donor since 1950. The development cooperation has changed through the years in accordance to the Swedish policy and the politics. Today the aid politics are called “development cooperation” and should be more like a partnership than a relation with a donor and a receiver. According to an article in the magazine Omvärlden, describes foreign aid project is dealing with a communication problem. The author of the article writes that this is a problem in attitude, that we in the west as a donor giver, still see us as those with knowledge and skills. The purpose with this essay is to examine in which extension the Swedish development cooperation has change to be a more equal relation between aid donor and aid receiver. This is conducted by help from John Lockes theory of equality as non-domination, as it is understood by R J Arneson. I have composed three components in order to apply equality in this study, this are dialogue, reciprocity and respect. My study has focused on equality in Swedish aid politics between 1960 and 2000. The empirical material is examined and analysed according to these variables. In three aid projects where Sweden is a donor, initiated in 1977, 1995 and 2000, I have studied equality in the components dialogue, reciprocity and respect in order to see if there have been any changes. The result in my study indicates that equality in the development cooperation has change between 1960 and 2000. All three variables, dialogue, reciprocity and respect have increased according to my findings. But my study is not enough to say something about equality in the communication and attitude in the actual meeting between people from the donor country and the country receiving aid. An essay with this intention needs a different approach with interviews with people from both countries.

The overreaching purpose of this study is to examine in what ways lobbying contributes to democratic policymaking in the European Union. Having limited amount of time, a case study has been conducted with the main purpose to examine what impacts lobbying have on the proposed EU-legislation to lower CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking. The lobby groups in this case being ACEA and T&E. In order to fulfill the purpose a comprehensive research question is formulated: What impacts do ACEA and T&E have on the proposed EU-legislation to lower the CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking? The theory and definitions of democratic policymaking were drawn from Rinus van Schendelen´s book “Machiavelli in Brussels; The Art of Lobbying the EU”. Definitions of different components essential to democratic policymaking were given here and used together with the material on ACEA and T&E to answer the research question. The material was based on documents, press-statements, speeches and publications from the European Union, ACEA and T&E to find out how ACEA and T&E lobbied the proposed legislation. The study has shown mostly positive impacts from ACEA and T&E on the proposed EU-legislation to lower the CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking. For the overreaching purpose the conclusion is that lobbying therefore contributes mostly in a positive way to democratic policymaking in the European Union. This study can in the future be used in further studies to see what impacts lobby groups have on democratic policymaking in the European Union and also in studies concerning how lobby groups carry out their lobbying.

ABSTRACT Essay in political science, C-level by Cecilia Holmberg Spring semester 2006, Tutor: Arne Larsson - Ideological similarities between the Swedish Socialdemocratic and the Swedish conservative party - An idealanalysis of different political issues The purpose of this essay is to examine wheater the political ideologies have lost their importance in the Swedish political system. The study will focus on the ideological similarities or differences between the two largest parties in Sweden, the socialdemocratic and the conservative party. Therefore, the main research question is:  Are there any ideological similarities or differences between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party? To be able to answer this question, I have used Herbert Tingsten’s idealanalysis. This type of analysis examines how someone, in this case a political party, describes reality. The analysis also examines what the different parties’ values and goals are and what actions they recommend to achieve that particular value and goal. This will grant a good perspective of the two parties opinons in different issues. The reason why I have choosen different issues instead of different programs, are that the issues are more concrete and therefore easier to examine. They are also recommended by Tingsten, he means that the parties have the same values and goals, there are only in the actions that there is a difference between the parties. These differences are easier differentiated when the actions are studied in the issues. The issues that this essay is going to explore are labour-market, education, treatment and criminality. The conclusion of this essay is that there are ideological similarities between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party in these issues. It seems that both the socialdemocratic and the conservative party have similar goals and values. However, they recommend different actions to acchieve these goals and values.

Abstract Essay in Political Science, C – level, by Ylva Björkegren, spring semester 2008. Tutor: Anna Spånning. “Sida from a liberal feministic perspective. Are there gender equality-ideas of liberal feministic kind in Sidas aid – and development policy?” The purpose of this essay is to study if Sidas aid – and development policy reflect gender equality. I aim to do this by applying liberal feministic thoughts on gender and development. Liberal feminism is here seen as that men and women should have the same responsibilities and rights in all spheres of society. My research question is as follows: Are there gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy? Connected to this question are three variables: Entrepreneurship, Ownership and Education. By examining if Sida promotes gender equality in their work within these variables I aim to answer my research question. I examine this by counducting interviews with Sida-personnel and by, with a qualitative approach, studying Sida-documents and publications. I perform this research by conducting a comparative case – study; I compare and study Bangladesh and Ethiopia within these variables. I also conduct a general discussion on wether these variables can have an effect on the level of development in these countries. Development is in this essay expressed through three indexes; Human Development Index, Gender – related Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measure. My delimitation lies in the fact that I only compare two countries. I believe that I would get a more generalizable result if I would have compared say all fifty LDC-countries. The fact that I only study three variables is also a delimitation. The answers to my research question is that Yes – there are gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy. I have also found that my variables are variables that are likely to have an influence on the level of development. I am also very well aware of the fact that there are lots of other variables, that I have not examined, which also have that influence on development. Key words: gender, gender equality, development, entrepreneurship, ownership, education, Bangladesh, Ethiopia

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This thesis examines the subject of change in public administration from an instrumental and an institutional structure perspective. The purpose of the thesis is to examine whether institutional structures affect the development of instrumental structures and if it in turn is possible to affect institutional structures by changing the instrumental structures. This case study is primarily based on a series of deep interviews with senior administrators and politicians within two new administrations in the municipality Karlstad, both which have been created by merging several smaller administrations, but also thorough analysis of several official document such as protocols from the municipal council meetings, Tjänsterskrivelser and internal PMs.   The result of the analysis indicates that both institutional structures and the forming instrumental structures affect each other and  that their ability to affect each other depends on the dominance over the organization each structure has.  In my specific research case we can see that the institutional structure of the city-technical and housing administration has affected the outcome but the institutional structure of the cultural and tourism administration hasn’t.  While the structural change of the city-technical and housing administration hasn’t effected the institutional structure but the structural change of the cultural and tourism administration has affected the institutional structure of this specific administration.

Today, Ghana is one of Africa’s most stable democracies. According to Larry Diamond an emerging democracy can be broken down to seven factors, each of which crucial in whether a legitimate democracy will be successful. By applying Diamonds theory on empirical information treating Ghana’s history and its inhabitant’s attitudes towards democracy (measured by surveys), this thesis aim was to examine two separate eras in Ghana’s democratic development to: 1. Understand the factors that completed Ghana’s transition into a democracy, 2. Distinguish a difference in attitude and/or in freedom of press when comparing the two periods and 3. Consider if there is a recent negative trend concerning the freedom of press and public attitudes that might affect Ghana’s democratic future. The two periods assessed were 2000-2005 and 2006-to date. Results found that factors important for a healthy democratic development all in all have been positive in Ghana during these periods with, at times, some reservation for a tendency towards corruption and censor. Some variation in terms of attitudes and/or freedom of press was found when comparing the periods, most significantly towards the end of the second period where a slight decline was noted. Conclusively no major threat to Ghana’s democratic future was predicted.