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Over the past 10 years individual capitalists have become increasingly involved in philanthropy, setting up charitable foundations targeted at helping to reduce social problems such as poverty, disease and food security. This form of neoliberal capitalist philanthropy is both politically and ideologically committed to market-based social investment through partnerships, to make the market work or work better for capital. The new structures of philanthropy have received much praise in the media for imbuing capitalist business principles into the non-profit sector and for their potential for social transformation. While philanthropic activities may be considered worthy in themselves, this article examines the relationship between giving and business interest and the agency associated with neoliberal capitalist philanthropy. It questions partnerships between philanthropists and private corporations and their motivations for engaging in poverty-related philanthropy. The discussion focuses on capitalist philanthropic foundations' involvement in the process of agricultural commodification in sub-Saharan Africa through the New Green Revolution and genetically modified (gm) technologies.

The main purpose of the study is to identify household characteristics which can 1) distinguish between the chronic poor and transient poor and 2) be feasibly implemented as targeting criterion in poverty interventions. Data for this study was drawn from Mozambique's 2008/09 Household Budget Survey and consisted of 10,832 observations. This study fills a gap in the literature by structurally determining the impact of common shocks (drought, floods and cyclones, agricultural pests, illness, death, and theft) on 1) food expenditures at the household level and 2) poverty rates at the national level. The results of the study indicate that shocks are one of the key determinants of household food expenditures. The expected impact of shocks in aggregate increases the national poverty rate by 9%. However, the impact of specific shocks on household food expenditures varies across regions and households. Further, the variables which are strongly correlated with chronic poverty differ from the variables strongly correlated with transient poverty. These results suggest the need to both more rapidly identify and enroll households exposed to shocks in short-term social protection programs and continue to improve methods targeting the chronic poor in long-term programs. / Master of Science

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Japanese-African aid relationship has evolved since World War Two. The majority of studies on Japan’s role in Africa have focused on the economic aspect, while Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively underexplored area of enquiry. This thesis aims to contribute to the study of Japanese-African relations by focusing on the role of aid in Japan’s involvement with the continent. The research question focuses on the evolution of Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa and the factors that have shaped this relationship. The study is qualitative and exploratory in nature and makes use mostly of secondary sources. Theoretically, the study analyses the aid relationship with reference to three sources of motivation for the provision of aid, namely economic, political and moral rationales. The findings of this study highlight the fact that, before 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa was motivated by all three rationales. From an economic perspective, aid served as security for resources from Africa especially after the oil crisis of 1973. From a political perspective, Japan’s aid relationship served a number of objectives that changed over time. The study highlights these changes, suggesting that, from a political perspective, Japan’s aid in respect of Africa initially served to play a critical role in the Western camp in its anti-communist struggle on the continent. It was also used to curb criticism directed at Japan by African countries for its pro-Pretoria policy. After 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa from political perspective served Japan’s ambition to be recognised as a political power, most importantly to receive the support from Africa that would allow Japan to secure a permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council. From an economic perspective, it served to secure strategic natural resources for Japan that would sustain its growing economy and help to achieve its ambition of attaining global economic supremacy. From a moral perspective, the aid relationship served to promote a development path for Africa similar to that experienced in Japan’s Asian neighbourhood. Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa can be explained from a realist perspective, since the country’s national interests played a key role in the distribution of aid in this region. It has been important for Japan to maintain its momentum regarding global economic prominence and influence and for it to try to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. By distributing aid to Africa, it has hoped to improve its chances of achieving its economic ambition and importantly its elevation to the Security Council. The study thus suggests that political ambitions have been the primary motivating factor in the distribution of aid in sub-Saharan Africa. The areas for further investigation, as highlighted by the findings of this study, are as follows: Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively new area of inquiry and more research could therefore be done given the available data. The study also highlights the political perspective as the primary motivating factor for Japan’s aid relationship with Africa. This served Japan’s ambitions of being recognised as a global political player that would find its greatest expression in securing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council with the assistance of African nations. Future studies could investigate whether Japan has managed to achieve its global political ambition and whether African countries played a significant role in this process. Finally, future studies could study the effectiveness of the TICAD process and whether Japan’s non-Western approach to development remains a popular model. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hulpverhouding tussen Japan en Afrika het sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog ontvou. Die studie van Japan se rol in Afrika het tot dusver grootliks op die ekonomiese aspek gekonsentreer, terwyl Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika’n betreklik onderontginde studieveld bly. Hierdie tesis wil tot die studie van Japan-Afrika-betrekkinge bydra deur op Japan se hulpverlening aan die vasteland te konsentreer. Die navorsingsvraag handel oor die ontwikkeling van Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara, en die faktore wat hierdie verhouding gevorm het. Die studiemetodologie is kwalitatief en verkennend, en maak hoofsaaklik van sekondêre bronne gebruik. Wat teorie betref, ontleed die studie die hulpverhouding aan die hand van drie motiverings vir hulpverlening, naamlik ekonomiese, politieke en morele beweegredes. Die studieresultate toon dat Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika voor 1990 deur ál drie bogenoemde beweegredes aangevuur is. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het hulp as sekuriteit vir hulpbronne uit Afrika gedien, veral ná die oliekrisis van 1973. Uit ’n politieke hoek het Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika ’n aantal oogmerke help bevorder wat mettertyd verander het. Die studie beklemtoon hierdie veranderinge, en doen aan die hand dat, wat politiek betref, Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika aanvanklik belangrik was in die Westerse kamp se stryd teen kommunisme op die Afrikavasteland. Dit is ook gebruik om Afrika-kritiek op Japan se pro-Pretoria-beleid te smoor. Ná 1990 het die hulpverhouding met Afrika Japan op politieke gebied help naam maak en veral Afrikasteun help werf om ’n permanente setel vir Japan in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het dit as waarborg gedien vir strategiese natuurlike hulpbronne wat Japan se groeiende ekonomie kon ondersteun en tot sy strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese heerskappy kon bydra. Uit ’n morele perspektief wou Japan Afrika ’n soortgelyke ontwikkelingsroete as dié van Japan se Asiatiese bure laat inslaan. Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara kan aan die hand van die realistiese perspektief verklaar word, aangesien die land se nasionale belange ’n kernrol in die verspreiding van hulp na hierdie streek gespeel het. Vir Japan was dit belangrik om sy stukrag in die strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese statuur en invloed te behou en ’n permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te probeer bekom. Deur hulp aan Afrika te verleen, het Japan gehoop om sy kanse op sukses in sy ekonomiese strewes en veral ook sy verheffing tot die Veiligheidsraad te verbeter. Die studie gee dus te kenne dat politieke ambisies die hoofbeweegrede was vir hulpverlening aan Afrika suid van die Sahara. Gebiede vir verdere navorsing wat uit die bevindinge van hierdie studie spruit, is soos volg: Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika bly ’n betreklik nuwe studieveld met min beskikbare data, dus is verdere navorsing daaroor nodig. Meer bepaald beklemtoon die studie die politieke perspektief as hoofbeweegrede vir Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika: Dit het Japan as internasionale politieke speler help vestig, en Afrikalande sou Japan uiteindelik help om die gesogte permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Toekomstige studies kan verken of Japan in sy internasionale politieke strewe geslaag het en watter rol Afrikalande daarin gespeel het. Laastens kan verdere studies ook ondersoek instel na die TIKAO-proses en of Japan se nie-Westerse benadering tot ontwikkeling ’n gewilde model bly.

Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Currently, South Africa is a leading intra-continental foreign direct investor in Africa, in general, and in Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular. The internationalisation of South African enterprises has throughout the period following the advent of the new dispensation in 1994 assumed two forms: banking and non-banking cross-border expansions. These cross-border expansions have largely involved greenfield, merger and acquisition and joint venture types of investment. Increased trade between South Africa and the region and huge business and investment opportunities have been the pre-eminent motive forces behind the country's nonbanking and banking foreign direct investment drive into Sub-Saharan Africa. A number of studies have been conducted about South African general outward foreign direct investment, but none so specifically about the involvement of the South African multinational banks in this cross-border expansion by the country's multinational firms. In fact, no obvious and composite information is readily available about the "how" aspect of the involvement. It is the objective of this study therefore to investigate "how" South African banks with multinational behaviour have facilitated and continue to facilitate the way for South African foreign direct investment in Sub-Saharan Africa. The outcome of the research effort makes for an interesting discovery that demonstrates how South African banks indeed facilitate South African outward FDI flows into the Sub-Saharan region. A case study illustration in this research report clearly shows that banks, driven by their own foreign direct investment interests, were simultaneously facilitating and driving nonbanking foreign direct investment in the region. Benefits and costs are also accruing to firms and countries (host country and home country to a lesser degree) involved in the crossborder investment activities. South African outward foreign direct investment, although very important to Sub-Saharan Africa, has serious challenges to contend with in the region. Pockets of conflict and instability in some countries with lucrative opportunities continue to bedevil South African foreign direct investment. Policy and regulatory environments in some countries still remain to be a downside for the attraction of South African outward foreign direct investment, including banking foreign direct investment. Interestingly, South African govemment is keenly involved to ensure that trade and investment in Sub-Saharan Africa flow uninterruptedly without prejudicing any party. Trade and investment opportunities are indeed the key motives for South African outward foreign direct investment into Sub-Saharan Africa. The ''follow-your-client'' paradigm is largely responsible for the South African multinational banks' drive across the border into the region. This ''follow-your-client'' concept in the South Africa foreign direct investment context and other related concepts must be further researched in much greater detail and wider approach. But this does not take away the essence and significance of this study which, amongst other things, provides a good foundation for future research undertakings. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Huidiglik is Suid-Afrika die voorstander in die intra-kontinentale vaste buitelandse investering in Afrika in die algemeen en spesifiek in Sub-Sahara Afrika. Die internasionalisering van Suid-Afrikaanse besighede het na 1994 twee vorme aangeneem, t.w. die uitbreiding van bank- en nie-bankinvestering. Die uitbreiding sluit in samesmeltings en venootskappe van investeringsgeleenthede. Verhoogde handel, investeringsgeleenthede en besigheid tussen Suid-Afrika en Sub-Sahara Afrika was die dryfkrag agter die land se vaste buitelandse beleggings. Aigemene studies is gedoen van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleggings, maar niks so spesifiek soos die samewerking van Suid-Afrikaanse banke met die banke van buitelandse multinasionale firmas nie. Daar is geen inligting vrylik bekombaar oor die 'hoe' van die buitelandse beleggings nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om juis te bepaal hoe Suid-Afrikaanse banke tans en op die pad vorentoe te werk gaan om vaste buitelandse investerings met multinasionale besighede in Sub-Sahara Afrika uit te brei. 'n Teoretiese grondslag van die debat, definisies en begrip van die konsep "vaste buitelandse investering" vorm deel van die ondersoek, waar beide primere en sekondere data gebruik is. Moeite is gedoen om te verseker dat die data en inligting wat gebruik is, gebaseer is op die "global research methodology", wat insluit vraelyste en elektroniese onderhoude. Hierdie terugvoering wys daarop dat Suid-Afrikaanse banke inderdaad pro-aktief is in die veld van uitwaardse vaste beleggings in die Sub-Sahara area. Banke doen nie net hul eie vaste buitelandse investerings nie, maar fasiliteer dit vir nie-bank vaste buitelandse beleggings. Dit lei tot voordele en kostebesparings vir firmas in die proses van beleggingsaktiwiteite. Alhoewel Suid-Afrikaanse vaste beleggings belangrik is vir ander Afrikastate, is daar ook heelwat slaggate om in ag te neem. Onstabiliteite in lande met aansienlike investeringspotensiaal maak dit moeilik vir Suid-Afrika om te investeer. In baie lande het reels en regulasies nog steeds 'n negatiewe invloed op buitelandse investerings, wat banke insluit. Handel en beleggingsgeleenthede is die motief vir Suid-Afrikaanse investering in SubSahara lande. Die gesegde "follow your client" is die dryfkrag agter die Suid-Afrikaanse banke om te investeer. Daar moet meer ondersoek gedoen word oor die "follow your client" konsep. Hierdie verslag is dus slegs 'n begin punt waarop daar uitgebrei moet word deur verdere ondersoeke.

The deficiency of sub-Saharan Africa urban land use planning regimes has received extensive discussion in the literature. As yet, little is known of the extent and magnitude of the economic impact of these planning regimes on the economic wellbeing of individuals and the society. This situation is further compounded by the lack of simplified and bespoke methodologies for calibrating economic impacts of planning policies even in the developed world where there are relatively huge volumes of organised data. This study aims to prescribe a simplified quantitative methodology, which is subsequently employed to gauge the economic impacts of these regimes. It proceeds on the central argument that planning regimes in the sub-region are weak with low compliance with planning regulations, partly because they do not provide incentives for property owners/developers/land users. The study adopts a cross-sectional survey strategywith questionnaires and administrative data extraction to procure the requisite data from Accra, Ghana to feed the devised methodological framework. The study establishes that Ghana’s urban land use planning regime, in its current form, imposes huge cost on residential property owners compared to its benefits; it creates a disincentive for property owners. A substantial amount of this cost emanates from pipe-borne water, and tarred roads and concrete drain infrastructural facilities. It is further established that the cost of title formalisation requirement constitutes a huge portion of the cost on express requirements under the planning regime. A major portion of this cost results from the cost other than official fees. However, on individual basis the requirement generates marginal net benefit. Incidental costs for the other express requirements, architectural design and building permit are also substantial. In terms of benefits, tarred roads and concrete drains, formalised title, electricity and pipe-borne water, individually, are found to generate the most benefits under the planning regime. The study makes a number of recommendations. These include formulation of planning policies on the basis of providing incentives to property owners/developer/land users, strategies for reduction of infrastructural and amenities costs, as well as incidental cost relating to compliance with the subject planning regime express requirements.

<p>The Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) region is faced with limited medical personnel and healthcare services to address the many healthcare problems of the region. Poor health indicators reflect the overall decline in socio-economic development. Shortages of access to health services in the region is further complicated by the concentration of health services in urban areas, the region’s multiple medical problems (over 70% of HIV/AIDS cases in the world); and the brain drain phenomenon – it is estimated one-third of African physicians emigrate to North America and Europe. The result is that the SSA region is left with about 10 physicians, and 20 beds, per 100,000 patients. Telemedicine has been found to offer socio-economic benefits, reduce costs, and improve access to healthcare service providers by patients, but previous attempts to move various information technologies from developers in the industrial world to the developing world have failed because of a clear neglect of infrastructural and cultural factors that influence such transfers. The objective of this study is to address key factors that challenge the introduction of telemedicine technology into the health sector in SSA in particular, and by extension, other developing countries with similar socio-economic structures.</p><p>This research offers a distinctive perspective, focusing on visually-based clinical applications in the SSA region, and considerable attention to the national infrastructure and cultural impact of telemedicine transfer (social and value) outcomes. Two research models and its associated hypotheses are proposed and empirically tested using quantitative data collected from SSA physicians and other health professionals. The study also contributes to the ongoing debate on the potential of telemedicine in improving access and reducing costs. This research can help to understand the socio-economic impact of telemedicine outcomes in a comprehensive way. The finding from the survey shows the rapid advances in telemedicine technology specifically, visual clinical applications may become an essential healthcare tool in the near future within SSA countries.</p>

<p>The dissertation examines three military interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa which took place in the mid and late 1990s in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho. These interventions took place despite high expectations of international and regional peace on the part of most analysts after the collapse of cold war in 1989. However, interstate and intrastate conflicts re-emerged with more intensity than ever before, and sub-Saharan Africa proved to be no exception.</p> <p><br /> The study sets out to analyse the motives and/or causes of military interventions in Rwanda in 1990, the DRC in 1996-7, and the DRC military rebellion and the Lesotho intervention in 1998. In analysing these interventions, the study borrows extensively from the work of dominant security theorists of international relations, predominantly realists who conceptualise international relations as a struggle for power and survival in the anarchic world. The purpose of this analysis is fourfold / firstly, to determine the reasons for military interventions and the extent to which these interventions were conducted on humanitarian grounds / secondly, to investigate the degree to which or not intervening countries were spurred by their national interests / thirdly, to assess the roles of international organisations like Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, in facilitating these interventions / as well as to evaluate the role of parliaments of intervening countries in authorising or not these military interventions in terms of holding their Executives accountable. In this context, the analysis argues that the intervening countries / Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe appeared to have used intervention as a realist foreign policy tool in the absence of authorisation from the United Nations and its subordinate bodies such as the OAU and SADC.</p>

Le Bénin et le Togo sont deux pays partageant plusieurs similitudes : ils ont tous les deux été colonisés par la France; leur niveau de développement économique est équivalent; leur histoire postcoloniale est marquée par les coups d’états et, à la fin des années 1980, par des vagues de revendications démocratiques. Celles-ci se sont soldées dans chaque cas par une conférence nationale et l’organisation d’élections générales. Malgré cette trajectoire similaire, seul le Bénin est devenu une démocratie consolidée. Pour expliquer cette différence, ce mémoire se penche sur l’influence des stratégies de l’opposition et sur les processus de transition. Ce mémoire démontre que le degré de cohésion des groupes d’opposition et les accords de ces derniers avec les gouvernements en place ont eu une profonde influence sur le succès ou l’échec des transitions démocratiques. / Benin and Togo have much in common: both countries are former French colonies; throughout the 20th century, both have achieved a comparable level of economic development; both are characterized by a postcolonial history marked by coups d’états and waves of protestations in favour of democracy in the 1980s. Moreover, in both cases, these waves of protestations resulted in National Conferences and multiparty elections in the early 1990s. Yet, in spite of these similarities, only Benin has succeeded in establishing a democratic state. This thesis attempts to determine why this is the cases. By examining the influence of the opposition parties’ strategies in the overall transition process of Benin and Togo, one concludes that the degree of unity among opposition groups and the various compromises made with the government exerts a critical influence on the success or failure of democratic transitions.