As human beings we are continually interacting with the landscape, and have been doing so throughout the entire course of our evolution. This thesis specifically investigates the way in which hunter-gatherers negotiate and interact with their landscapes, focusing on three patterns of behaviour: wayfinding, mapmaking and territoriality. An examination of the relevant international literature reveals that globally, hunter-gatherer groups both past and present share a number of similarities with regard to their wayfinding and mapmaking techniques, territorial behaviour. A case study of Maori interaction with the landscape of prehistoric and protohistoric Te Wai Pounamu [the South Island] provides further support for the central argument that hunter-gatherers collectively negotiate and interact with the landscape in distinctive ways. This is contrasted with the interaction of European explorers and travellers with the 19th century landscape of Te Wai Pounamu in Chapter 5. It is determined that hunter-gatherers use detailed cognitive or 'mental' maps to navigate their way through a range of landscape from dense forests to barren plains. These maps often consist of sequences of place names that represent trails. These cognitive maps are most commonly developed through direct interaction with the landscape, but can also be formed vicariously through ephemeral maps drawn with the purpose of communicating geographical knowledge. Prior to European contact, little importance seems to have been given to artefactual or 'permanent' maps within hunter-gatherer societies as the process of mapmaking was generally regarded as more significant than the actual product. Although the literature on hunter-gatherer territoriality is complex and in some cases conflicting, it is contended that among a number of hunter-gatherer groups, including prehistoric and protohistoric Maori in Te Wai Pounamu, interaction and negotiation with the landscape was/is not restricted to exclusive territories marked by rigidly defined boundaries. Among these groups, a specific method of territoriality known as 'social boundry defence' was/is employed. This involves controlling access to the social group inhabiting an area rather than access to the area itself, as with groups utilising the territorial method of 'perimeter defence'.

Life was difficult in Te Wai Pounamu before European contact. Food collecting had to return more calories than were expended in the efforts of acquisition. Areas where food was available were conserved as well as enhanced and were exploited seasonally in such a way as to optimise each season's take. It is suggested that the absence of kumera cultivations south of the Opihi river, prior to the introduction of the potato towards the end of the 18th Century, was clearly reflected in Maori life-style and social structure. Hapu were resource based rather than regional, and the resources of various hapu might be intermingled over a wide area or indeed, in some cases, shared (see: Anderson, 1980). The "orthodox" view (Anderson, 1980, etc.) is one of "Hunters and Gatherers" who exploit available resources. I argue that the resources were, in fact, managed with a view to sustainable and optimal harvests in the future. I shall apply Harris' (1987:75) optimal foraging theory in an endeavour to show that there are signs of the quality of life as a result of a low per capita human energy input into food production. This is principally evidenced by the foods eaten just for pleasure (kai rehia) and the time available for optional activities. Accordingly, kai and the practices to control them differed from the often better documented food resources of more Northern parts of Te Wai Pounamu and Aotearoa. Nevertheless, the absence of horticulture in the south and the concomitant peripatetic life-style did not result in a lack of stewardship of resources. Based substantially on the analysis of a series of mahika kai lists, collected from elders early in the contact period, and details of traditional practices that have been handed down, this thesis argues that by 1780, when Captain Cook introduced European goods, southern Kai Tahu had in place effective procedures and practices for the sustainable use of renewable resources.

The ambivalence of many prehistorians toward curio collections has meant that, although they recognise some of their shortcomings, they nevertheless use collections as if they had qualities of archaeological assemblages. In this dissertation it is posited and then demonstrated that curio collections are very different entities to archaeological assemblages. In order to use collections in valid constructions of New Zealand�s pre-European past, the processes that led to their formation need to be understood. It is only then that issues of representation can be addressed. In order to better understand the collecting process, a study of the activity of 24 curio collectors who operated in the Murihiku region of southern New Zealand during the period between 1865 and 1975 was undertaken. The study was structured about two key notions: the idea of the �filter� and the idea that tools and ornaments have a �life history� that extends from the time that raw material was selected for the manufacture to the present. The notion of the filter made possible a determination of the effects of particular behaviours on patterns of collector selectivity and the extent and nature of provenance recording; and the extended concept of life history recognised that material culture functions in multiple cultural and chronological contexts-within both indigenous and post-contact spheres. Examination of the collecting process led to the identification of five curio collecting paradigms: curio collecting for the acquisition of social status, curio collecting for financial return, curio collecting as an adjunct to natural history collecting, curio collecting as an adjunct to historical recording, and ethnological or culture-area curio collecting. Filtering processes associated with each paradigm resulted in particular, but not always distinctive, patterns of curio selectivity and styles of provenance recording. A switch in the focus of attention from examination of curio collectng processes generally to the study of the filtering processes that shaped collections from a specific archaeological site-the pre-European Otago Peninsula site of Little Papanui (J44/1)- enabled some evaluation of individuual collection representation. A database recording up to 19 attributes for each of 6282 curios localised to �Little Papanui� in Otago Museum enabled 31 dedicated or �ardent� collectors who operated at the site to be identified. These 31 dedicated collectors were grouped according to the paradigm that best described their collecting behaviour. It was found that the greater proportion of these dedicated collectors (n=12, 39%) had been influenced by the ethnological or culture-area collecting paradigm. These 12 collectors were responsible for recovering a remarkable 5645 curios or nearly ninety-percent (89.86%) of the meta-collection. Because curio collections lack meaningfully recorded stratigraphic provenance, it is the technological and social context in which tools and ornaments functioned that must become the focus of curio collection studies. Appropriate studies of technological and social and context focus upon evaluations of raw material sourcing, evaluations of manufacture technique and assessments of tool and ornament use and reuse (and integrative combinations of these modes of study). These sorts of evaluation require large collections compiled in the least selective manner possible and the collections need to be reliably localised to specific sites. Collections compiled by the ethnological or culture-area collectors have these qualities. Collections compiled within other paradigms lack locality information and were assembled in highly selective manners.

A multidisciplinary approach that involves language universals, linguistic discourse analysis and computer information technology are combined to support the descriptive nature of this research dissertation. Utilising comparative methods to determine rudimentary language structures which reflect both the scientific and historic parameters that are embedded in all languages. From a hypothesis to the proof of concept, a multitude of computer applications have been used to test these language models, templates and frameworks. To encapsulate this entire approach, it is best described as "designing then building the theoretical, experimental, and practical projects that form the structural network of the Maori language system". The focus on methods for integrating the language is to investigate shared characteristics between Maori and New Zealand English. This has provided a complete methodology for a bilingual based system. A system with text and speech for language generation and classification. This approach has looked at existing computational linguistic and information processing techniques for the analysis of each language�s phenomena; where data from basic units to higher-order linguistic knowledge has been analysed in terms of their characteristics for similar and/or dissimilar features. The notion that some language units can have similar acoustic sounds, structures or even meanings in other languages is plausible. How these are identified was the key concept to building an integrated language system. This research has permitted further examination into developing a new series of phonological and lexical self organising maps of Maori. Using phoneme and word maps spatially organised around lower to higher order concepts such as �sounds like�. To facilitate the high demands placed on very large data stores, the further development of the speech database management system containing phonological, phonetic, lexical, semantic, and other language frameworks was also developed. This database has helped to examine how effectively Maori has been fully integrated into an existing English framework. The bilingual system will allow full interaction with a computer-based speech architecture. This will contribute to the existing knowledge being constructed by the many different disciplines associated with languages; naturally or artificially derived. Evolving connectionist systems are new tools that are trained in an unsupervised manner to be both adaptable and flexible. This hybrid approach is an improvement on past methods in the development of more effective and efficient ways for solving applied problems for speech data analysis, classification, rule extraction, information retrieval and knowledge acquisition. A preliminary study will apply bilingual data to an �evolving clustering method� algorithm that returns a structure containing acoustic clusters plotted using visualisation techniques. In the true practical sense, the complete bilingual system has had a bi-directional approach. Both languages have undergone similar data analysis, language modelling, data access, text and speech processing, and human-computer network interface interaction.

Kaumaatua of the Te Koeti Turanga hapuu (sub-tribe) of South Westland have expressed concern that the mana of their Kaati Mamoe ancestors has been trampled on and their identity subsumed through union with the Kai Tahu tribal confederation. The history of the Kaati Mamoe iwi in the South island has been marginalised by the subsequent arrival of a number of hapuu of the Ngaati Kahungunu in the seventeenth century. The conflict which ensured following this gradual migration has traditionally been interpreted as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity in the island. Complexity has been added to this situation as a result of European colonisation in the nineteenth century. The purchase by Pakeha of vast tracts of land in the South Island, and the failure to exempt the reserves promised, put pressure on the takata whenua�s land base and resources. The Crown�s refusal to acknowledge and redress the grievances of South Island Maori over the last hundred years has obliged the Kaati Mamoe to unite with the Kai Tahu. This process has served to further marginalise their identity, in this case in the southern rohe of the West Coast. The method that I have used in this work draws upon a number of disciplines. Oral history and written records of the Te Koeti hapuu form the central sources and to this extent this work may be described as being written from a Kaati Mamoe perspective. I have undertaken a review of the material recorded by European collectors of South Island Maori tradition in order to understand the way in which their reports have shaped the European view of South Westland Maori. And finally a review of the archaeological record has been included in order to provide information about the everyday material life of the ancestors of the South Westland hapuu. A number of conclusions have been reached in this thesis. Firstly that the peace arrangement at Popoutunoa which has been viewed by Kai Tahu as marking the end of a Kaati Mamoe identity is not necessarily the view of many Kaati Mamoe descendants. The historical record shows that a number of individuals continued to fight the Kai Tahu due to tribal differences while others continued to live alongside Kai Tahu in peace. As throughout much of Aotearoa, the importance of the hapuu as a source for an individual�s identity in Maori society prior to European colonisation has been over-shadowed. In the case of the South Westland people union with Kai Tahu, which was vital in the face of the loss of land, has been interpreted as the loss of their affiliation and identity with Kaati Mamoe.

Summary: European colonial expansion during the past five centuries has had serious repercussions for many indigenous populations. Responses to intrusive European culture have varied. Aboriginal Tasmanian culture was extinguised (Plomley 1966). The Cheyenne (Höebel 1964) and the Mapuche Indians (Faron 1968) have struggled to retain their identity and their compromises with European culture have been grudging. Many indigenous societies have been ravaged by disease and warfare and others have been transformed into a culture with both European and indigenous elements. Then there are the Swazi (Kuper 1964), who are continuing, at the present time to adjust to colonialist regimes. The New Zealand Maori have adopted elements of European culture without losing a distinctive cultural identity (Metge 1968). Details of events following initial contact between indigenous societies and Europeans are obscure, usually because of poor documentation. Yet it is precisely this initial period of culture contact that is often of particular interest to anthropologists. Until recently, accounts of culture contact have been left to historians, political scientists, ethnographers and social anthropologists. Archaeologists have tended to overlook this area of research, probably on the assumption that it is already well documented. However, the study of recent culture-contact situations is clearly the provenance of archaeology as well as other disciplines (Sturtevant 1966 : 41). Indeed, one of the major attractions of post-contact archaeology is the very fact that there are usually some relevant data from non-archaeological disciplines (op.cit.: 42-3). There are several self-evident areas of potential research in post-contact archaeology. Historical documentation may be used to locate archaeological sites (Pilling 1968; Trigger 1969); ethnic groups may be traced back into the late prehistoric period from the ethnographic present by using the "direct historical approach" (see Sturtevant 1966: 9; Hall 1969; Stewart 1942; Stewart 1969; Wright 1968); the effects of culture contact (Oswalt and van Stone 1967) or the expansion of the colonial settlements (Allen 1967; Nöel Hume 1963) may be the principal foci; and there is also the possibility of projecting cultural adaptations back into the late prehistoric part (Fitting and Cleland 1969) in order to discover the corresponding cultural patterns. The present study will consider culture change induced by contact with an intrusive culture. The indigenous culture is New Zealand Maori, the intrusive culture, European.

Summary: In order that one may approach the main theme of this thesis, the massacre at Poverty Bay, the events leading there to, and the effects thereof, some slight knowledge is required of the general situation in New Zealand in the years immediately preceding. The writer considers that no apology is needed for introducing into a work that has for its title "The Poverty Bay Massacre of 1868", such apparently unrelated topics as the campaigns of 1845 to 1868 and the cult of Pai-Marire. In any historical review, cause and effect are so closely related that it is difficult, when choosing a particular field of research, to decide how much to include and, more important, how much to discard. The Maori Wars in the Waikato and Taranaki districts spread through the whole of the North Island and in time to the East Coast. Here they were intensified by the blend of Christianity and savage barbarity that is known as Pai-Marire or Hauhauism. It was during this campaign on the Coast that Te Kooti Rikirangi first came into political prominence. A study of Hauhauism is interesting in itself; reviewed in connection with the central figure of this thesis, Te Kooti, it acquires new significance. It is doubtful how far he was sincere in the religious ritual he instituted, itself a modification, and an adaptation of the old Pai-Marire cult, but out of it he fashioned a powerful weapon against the Pakeha. Perhaps it deserves a place as a psychological study of the influence of community worship in a mysterious and militant ritual upon the religious emotionalism of any sect and when, as here, that sect was composed of semi-civilised or wholly savage Maoris at a critical period in the history of their race, it was inevitable that it should issue in action. This thesis represents an attempt at more than merely collecting loose threads about the massacre into one narrative. It has been the writer�s aim to place the massacre in its right setting in the history of New Zealand, and thus to show its significance. The method chosen has been that of grouping the events round one central figure, that of the perpetrator of the massacre, and the first four chapters therefore are incidental though necessary. The history of this man continues long after 1868, the date of the massacre and a small section has been added to cover the period 1868 to 1893, the year of his death on the plea that though irrelevant to the subject of the thesis it gives a rounded effect that might otherwise be lacking--Introduction.

Cemented Paste Backfill (CPB) is a relatively new backfilling technology for which a better understanding of binder hydration is required. This research uses electromagnetic (EM) wave-based techniques to non-destructively study a CPB consisting of tailings, sand, process water and binder (90% blast-furnace slag; 10% Portland cement). EM experiments were performed using a broadband network analyzer (20 MHz to 1.3 GHz) in the lab and capacitance probes (70 MHz) in the lab and field. Results showed that the EM properties are sensitive to curing time, operating frequency and specimen composition including binder content. The volumetric water content interpreted from dielectric permittivity varied little with curing. Temporal variations in electrical conductivity reflected the different stages of hydration. Laboratory results aided interpretation of field data and showed that a reduction in binder content from 4.5% to 2.2% delays setting of CPB from 0.5 days to over 2 days, which has important implications for mine design.

Cemented Paste Backfill (CPB) is a relatively new backfilling technology for which a better understanding of binder hydration is required. This research uses electromagnetic (EM) wave-based techniques to non-destructively study a CPB consisting of tailings, sand, process water and binder (90% blast-furnace slag; 10% Portland cement). EM experiments were performed using a broadband network analyzer (20 MHz to 1.3 GHz) in the lab and capacitance probes (70 MHz) in the lab and field. Results showed that the EM properties are sensitive to curing time, operating frequency and specimen composition including binder content. The volumetric water content interpreted from dielectric permittivity varied little with curing. Temporal variations in electrical conductivity reflected the different stages of hydration. Laboratory results aided interpretation of field data and showed that a reduction in binder content from 4.5% to 2.2% delays setting of CPB from 0.5 days to over 2 days, which has important implications for mine design.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Portuguese