Master of Arts / Department of History / David A. Graff / As the Tang dynasty rose to power and expanded into the present-day provinces of Sichuan and Yunnan, an endemic problem of troublesome frontier officials appeared along the border prefectures. Modern scholars have largely embraced Chinese historical scholarship believing that the lawlessness and remoteness of these southwestern border regions bred immoral, corrupt, and violent officials. Such observations fail to understand the southwest as a dynamic region that exposed assigned border officials to manage areas containing hardship, war, and unreceptive aboriginal tribes. Instead, the ability to act as an “effective” official, that is to bring peace domestically and abroad, reflected less the personal characteristics of an official and rather the relationship these officials had with the local native tribes. Evidence suggests that Tang, Tibetan, and Nanzhao hegemony along the southwestern border regions fluctuated according to which state currently possessed the allegiance of the native tribesmen. As protectors and maintainers of the roads, states possessing the allegiance of the local peoples possessed a tactical advantage, resulting in ongoing attacks and raids into the border prefectures by China’s rivals. Local officials without the allegiance of the locals and encountering attacks succumbed to improper behaviors to maintain control.

本論文主要乃透過張祜的詩歌作品以集中探照張祜的生活樣貌和生命情懷，希望一方面能體現張祜的詩歌創作內涵，另一方面則凸顯其藝術表現（意象）之主要成就。論文共分七章。第一章「緒論」，申明研究動機、目的，以及研究的範圍、方法，並對張祜的生平作一番大致的勾勒。第二、三、四、五章乃以張祜的作品內涵作為探討的中心，依其主要的幾個內容型態，作一系統的討論。首先第二章「張祜的的家居行旅之作」乃以描寫張祜個人生活之點作為出發，包含了靜態的家居和比較屬於動態的行旅作品之內涵探究。第三章「張祜的交際贈答之作」，乃由點而線，進一步看到張祜人際往來的詩作內涵，主要包括了寄贈酬和、送別傷悼、遊賞宴集三個部份。第四章「張祜的風景詠物之作」，則由線發展至面，從橫切面的空間系統，來看張祜作品之與大自然萬物間的聯繫、契合情況，分為風景、詠物兩個部份。第五章「張祜的詠史述懷之作」，但從橫切面的時間系統來探討張祜對於歷史的關懷與他個人置於歷史長河中的自身回顧，是為詠史、述懷之論述。繼作品內涵之整體考察之後，第六章則進入「張祜詩的意象表現」，希望一窺張祜詩的語言藝術，分別從單純意象與複合意象，來分層論析張祜於感官意象之式樣與特殊呈現並進而探討意象表現與張祜情感之深層聯繫。第七章「結論」，乃根據前面作品內涵與藝術表現之兩大方向，凸顯其重要特色與主要成就並論及其詩歌評價與影響。

個人認為必須將皮日休與前、後時代及同期文人縱橫加以考察，以宏觀的角度來總結皮日休的整體表現，並綜合他的思想、文學理論與創作，才能全面地探討他在晚唐文學中的地位。論文的架構先以皮日休的生平事蹟與思想內涵為出發點，進而將他與古文運動、新樂府運動的傳承與聯繫加以論述，再以皮日休與晚唐同期文人的共同表現為主，最後總結皮日休的地位與影響。研究內容的重心如下：第一章「皮日休的生平事蹟與思想內涵」以整個時代環境的轉變為影響的關鍵。他的生平事蹟一直眾說紛紜，其死亦無法確考，本章只作合理的推斷。而皮日休的思想內涵則是傳統的儒家觀念，他延伸孟子的民本思想，提出許多深具改革性的意見，又其本著尚用的思想，而要求文學以及行為上的實用。第二章「皮日休與古文運動的傳承」中唐的古文運動在晚唐並未完全衰落，從古文家的傳承中可以尋得皮日休與前人的關連，尤其在文與道的觀念和踵武前賢的習作上，充分地了解他意欲傳承古文運動的理論與創作方向。第三章「皮日休與新樂府運動的聯繫」皮日休自覺地承襲新樂府運動的使命，他所創作的正樂府，延伸了元結系樂府、白居易新樂府的精神和意涵。另外，他與陸龜蒙的唱和詩也接續元稹、白居易的唱和詩型態。第四章「皮日休與同期文人的共同表現」因為所處環境的相同，所以皮日休在小品文以及詩歌的領域裡，與同期文人有著一致的特色，他們的小品文的確是魯迅所謂「一榻糊塗的泥塘□的光彩和鋒鋩」，在小品文的形式中充分地反映現況、針砭時風。而皮日休晚唐詩人創作的現實主義，表達了田耕宇所言「深沉的反思意識」，他們藉由歷史、現實、、自然四個主題的反思，深化了詩歌的內涵與層面。第五章「皮日休的地位與影響」此章為論文的總結。從皮日休對傳承古文運動、聯繫新樂府運動的努力，以及他與同期文人共同的傑出表現，肯定皮日休在晚唐文學中的地位，最後再由他的思想及創作論及皮日休對宋以後的影響和啟發。

Siling Poems consists of poetry written by Xuezhao (namely Linghui), Xueji (Lingyuan), Ongjuan (Lingshu) and Zhaoshiiu (Lingxiu). The four poets had the same interests and they were good friends with each other. In their names there¡¦s the word, ¡§Ling¡¨, and their styles were quite similar, therefore the poems they created were called the Siling Poems (They were also called the Yongjia Siling). The Yongjia Siling was a famous and unique poetry group after Jianxi poetry group in South-Song. Their styles mainly focused on the restoration of the late Tang Dynasty style. They wanted to correct the impropriety of Jianxi poetry. The four poets valued Jiadao and Yaoheyi very much and they liked their style of chanting and writing poetry. Their literary evolution developed in a logical way, same as the Siling. They adopted the styles of the middle and late Tang Dynasty, the nine monks in the Song Dynasty and the styles of the late Tang Dynasty in North-Song (such as Weiyie, Linbu and Kouzhun). They even influenced the poets in the Jiahu poetry group. The four poets had ordinary family backgrounds and their talents were mediocre, but still some interesting poems can be found in their work. Yet the scholars did not focus on them, and only fewer relevant studies can be seen. This study aims to understand the performing characteristics of the four poets. There are seven chapters in the thesis. Chapter I: The introduction. The study motivation and purpose, literature review and research, as well as the study scope and methods are introduced. Chapter II: Time background. From viewpoints of politics and social environments and literature thought; relevant influences from South-Song to the Siling Poems are discussed. Chapter III: The biographies of the four poets and their styles. The styles of Jiadao and Yaoheyi, the styles of late Tang Dynasty and late Tang Dynasty in North-Song are also discussed. Chapter IV: The introduction of Siling Poems. Introduction of its subject orientation, literature concept and analysis of the forms. Chapter V: The art performance of Siling Poems (part I). The application in rhetoric, i.e. the allusion, metaphor and reiterative. Poems are analyzed. Chapter VI: The art performance of Siling Poems (part II). The application in rhetoric such as the antithesis, connection, words with double meanings and polished words. Samples are introduced. Chapter VII: The status of Siling Poems in the history of literature. Discusses the influence of the Siling Poems on the Jiahu poetry group and later generations.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

The Tang dynasty (618-907) is often referred to as a golden age of Buddhism in China. This research, concentrated on the first half of the dynasty (618-755), shows that Buddhism's impact on Tang aristocratic society has been overestimated. Looking at models of the familial and social order that one can extract from the Tang Code as well as from some literary works of the period, the picture emerging is that Tang society was a highly stratified one, and based on Confucian values. Buddhism, in order to establish and maintain itself in China, had to compromise with those values. However, its efforts to conciliate its doctrine with some Confucian precepts did not suffice to prevent its decline. Ultimately, Confucian values were reaffirmed as the sole basis of Chinese society, and remained so until the end of the Qing dynasty, in 1911.

東漢末年，一種名為「塔」的宗教建築物，隨著佛教的傳入而與之同時進入中國，成為崇敬禮拜的信仰中心。在佛教於中國的傳播過程中，塔的定位隨著宗教空間需求的擴大、以及中國固有王權空間觀念的影響而不斷的調適演變，逐漸的喪失了原本禮佛與信仰的中心地位，而轉變成為寺廟中缺乏實質用途的裝飾象徵性建築物。隋唐時期，先有隋文帝於仁壽年間大規模的造塔活動，使佛塔的建築與信仰普及全國，後有唐代重視休閒娛樂活動的社會風氣，並進而與科舉文化相結合，使得高聳的佛塔也同時成為得以享受登臨與題名之樂的風景名勝，具有更為世俗化的形象。 此外，多部講述造塔功德的佛經於唐代加以翻譯，使得唐代佛教徒以塔為墓風氣盛行，而民間功德塔的興造也非常興盛。在塔的概念與形象轉變方面，「以塔鎮地」概念的出現；佛塔高聳筆直、層層累疊的建築外型，也被用來指稱外觀或概念近似的建築物。最後，塔所突現出的垂直向度，也容易引申出人們各種關於崇敬、焦慮、與好奇的情緒：既是膜拜禮敬、溝通凡聖、得以消滅罪障的神聖空間，卻也是異常高聳、攀登不易的危險場所，甚至還是異人藏寶、夜叉棲居的奇特領域，而成為形象多元並具備豐富色彩的文學空間。甚至，具體而微的掌中小塔，也因為佛塔靈驗奇特的形象，而被延伸發展成為具有保護功能的隔離所。這些複雜神奇之各種異想的出現，也預示出塔在隋唐之後所即將呈現出之更為璀燦豐富的文化面貌。 / As a unique architecture of Buddhism, the Buddhist pagoda immigrated into China in the Han dynasty. Pagodas were built widespreadly as the religion center in the following centuries. However, after emerging with the traditional Chinese architecture concept, the main hall replaced the pagoda becoming the center of Buddhist temple gradually. In the Sui and Tang dynasties, various forms of the pagoda were presented because of the popular acceptance of Buddhism in the society and of the newly translated Buddhist Scriptures. In the form of tall pagodas of large temples in the capital to the small ones as memorials of eminent monks, the pagodas presented various images and were completely transformed from foreign architecture to the Chinese building. In the peace period, activities around the pagodas were recorded in documents and literatures forming a unique landscape in the Tang culture. Combination of the images of tall obvious building and holy religious space, lots of implications, other than solely Buddhist architecture, appeared in the literatures. Arising from the sensation to the architecture space and from the miraculous legends and tales, diversified and colorful imaginations have enriched the culture of Sui and Tang dynasties. Based on the literatures, historical documents, Buddhist Scriptures, architecture researches, and archaeological excavation, the details of different presentations and implications of the pagoda were demonstrated and concluded.

現時對於「唐宋派」的研究，學者往往以流派論爭的角度，把唐宋派置於復古派的對立面，認為四人的文論主要都是針對「前、後七前子」而發。此說固有道理，問題是，王、唐、茅、歸都是獨當一面的作家，但在流派的框架下，則只著重他們的一致性，以及與「復古派」針鋒相對的情況，而四人的差異，及其現實關懷，都在此大敘述中隱而不見了。故本文將把四人的文學主張，結合社會、政治制度及生平經歷加以考察，希望呈現出他們文學思想的差異性。並以此為基礎，說明王、唐、茅、歸四人當時是不同角度出發，希望在「文必秦漢」的風氣下，建立一道從「唐宋」上達「秦漢」的學文路徑。全文分成六章。第一章是緒論，說明研究動機及價值。第二章則先說明歸有光不與王、唐、茅三人結交的原因，並藉以呈現歸有光與王、唐、茅三人在文壇的不同佔位，以此為基礎，重新探討「唐宋派」作為一個流派的特質，提出以「陣營」取代「流派」來描述四人的關係，從而說明「唐宋派」文論主張的產生，除了為回應擬古風氣，其實還針對著當時八股文衰落的問題。第三章則討論唐宋派四人的主張，如何建構從「唐宋」到「秦漢」的復古路徑。第四章則討論唐宋派「以古文為時文」的理論內涵，探討四人從不同的角度理解時文的衰落，何以最後都得出「以古文為時文」的結論。第五章則討論唐宋派如何面對當時古文創作的困境，到了明中葉，明代立國已近百年，但古文創作一直較為沉寂，台閣文人及「復古派」先後領導文壇，但是問題始終未能解決。「唐宋派」各人為了提升古文創作的水平，提出師法唐宋，希望把古文從剽竊的困境中解救出來，由於各人對古文問題的定性不同，故以不同的策略嘗試提升古文創作的水平，本章即以此為中心，旨在呈現出四人文論主張的差異性。第六章為餘論，旨在討論文學史的撰寫方式與及唐宋派文論的局限。 In the field of researching "Tang-Song School" (唐宋派) now, scholars tend to view the object via an angle that they are just debate and struggle between schools, juxtaposing "Tang-Song School" with "Classical school" (復古派) in a binary opposition and thinking that literary claims of four leaders' are pinpointed on the "Classical school". This discourse undoubtedly has its plausible proof yet the main overlook is that Wang(王慎中), Tang（唐順之）, Mao（茅坤） and Gui（歸有光） are independent writers and literary theorists whose differences and human concerns are neglected in such a grand narrative which only puts emphasis on their homogeneity and their countering role against "Classical school". This thesis, hence, is going to examine the four's literary claims altogether with their relations to the society, the institution and the individual life respectively so as to show the difference of literary claims among the four. With the foundation of knowing their differences, it is proved that amidst the social atmosphere of "QinHan is the best for learning prose"(文必秦漢), Wang, Tang, Mao and Gui indeed aspired to found a literary learning path that approaches QinHan's level through studying Tang-Song prose from their respective angles. The thesis is divided into 6 chapters. Chapter 1 is introduction which shows the motive and value of this research. Chapter 2 will firstly discuss why Gui You Guang does not make acquaintance with Wang, Tang, Mao so as to show the different nature and occupations of theirs in the Ming literary community. Based on this clarification, the features of Tang-Song School as a school is called into re-examination that "a camp which shares similar belief" is more suitable to define their relationship, and subsequently, it is hoped to show that claims of Tang-Song Camp also aim to react to the decline of "Eight-part Essay" (八股文) except echoing to the literary trend of imitating the ancient classics. Chapter 3 discusses the fours' claims of how to construct a renaissance path from TangSong to QinHan. Chapter 4 discusses the theoretical idea of Tang-Song Camp's "regarding classic work as present work" (以古文為時文), telling how four theorists view the decline of "Eight-part Essay" in their respective angles and why they finally too share this same conclusion. Chapter 5 discusses how Tang-Song Camp faces the plight of classical prose writing. Until the period of Mid-Ming, Ming Dynasty has been found for almost a hundred year, classical prose writing however remains silent and is not actively embraced. Taige School (台閣派) and "Classical school" have led the literary community once but the problem of decline have never been solved. For levitating the level of classical prose writing, Tang-Song Camp then raises the idea of learning Tang-Song prose with the hope of saving classical prose writing from the plight of plagiarism. Due to the four have their own understandings and perspectives on the decline issue, they suggest different strategies to enhance the quality of classical prose writing. This chapter then focuses on these strategies to manifest the differences among four literary claims. And lastly, Chapter 6 is remark which aims to discuss ways of writing literature history and limits of Tang Song Camp's theories.

In 733, Japan’s ninth diplomatic mission to Tang China conveyed two Japanese Buddhist monks committed to finding a Chinese master of Buddhist precepts. The prevailing explanation for the precepts master solicitation states that Japan lacked sufficient numbers of fully ordained monks to conduct ordinations using vinaya codes of conduct. While this campaign successfully resulted in precept masters going to Japan in 736 and again in 754, there were no notable changes to monastic ordinations until after the final monk arrived. It is commonly presumed that only the latter precepts master possessed sufficient charisma, training, and followers necessary to establish a vinaya tradition. However, this explanation presumes that the later reforms matched the original expedition’s intent. Moreover, this position ignores the other monks’ activities in Japan’s political, cultural, and religious affairs between 736-754. It is also not supported by period texts. In this work, I utilize textual and physical evidence to demonstrate that these overseas monks’ activities and significance were largely unrelated to monastic precepts and ordinations. Instead, they rose to prominence due to their knowledge of Buddhist texts and rituals, familiarity with neighboring countries’ Buddhist legitimation and protection systems, fluency in overseas forms of cultural capital, and embodied otherness. Their influence can be seen in their involvement in the Ministry for Monastic Affairs, promulgation of the Avataṃsaka Sutra, and the creation and worship of the Great Buddha of Nara. Through highlighting these understudied and highly diverse monks, I demonstrate that Japan’s overseas population was intrinsically involved with the country’s transformation into a transregionally-connected, Buddhist country. Moreover, I argue that the overseas monks affiliated with Daianji Temple (大安寺) provided the Japanese court with direct ties to foreign countries that not only expanded Japanese international awareness, but also helped establish the country’s understanding of its position within a broader Buddhist world.

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