The purpose of this study was to determine whether selected environmental variables could be used to differentiate public two-year colleges on the basis of collective-bargaining status and bargaining-agent affiliation. The following null hypotheses were tested: 1. There are no differences between states with collective bargaining in community colleges and those without collective bargaining, as measured by the set of environmental variables selected for this study. 2. There are no differences between states with enabling legislation for collective bargaining in community colleges and those without legislation, as measured by the set of environmental variables selected for this study. 3. There are no differences between community colleges which are unionized and those which are not unionized, as measured by the set of environmental variables selected for this study. 4. There are no differences among community colleges affiliated with, respectively, the American Federation of Teachers, the National Education Association, and with no union, as measured by the set of environmental variables selected for this study. Hypotheses Three and Four represented the principal analyses. A population of 556 colleges, 239 of which were unionized, was used. Data were collected on 29 environmental variables and analyzed by stepwise discriminant analysis procedures from the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. Each principal analysis was performed twice: once with nonunion colleges selected from all states, and once with nonunion colleges restricted to unionized states. Each null hypothesis was rejected at a level of significance of 0.05 of less. Although each analysis produced its own linear combination of discriminating variables, seven variables were common to all principal analyses. The environmental influences represented by these variables were: (a) the level of control over the college, (b) whether the college is part of a system, (c) whether the state has enabling legislation, (d) the proportion of the reference area population living in urban areas, (e) value added by manufacture in the reference area, (f) real per capita income in the state, and (g) union membership as a percent of the state's nonagricultural labor force. / Ed. D.

Chik Pun-shing. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-127). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.4 / Chapter 2 --- HISTORICAL BACKGROUND --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1 --- The provision of mass education --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2 --- Llewellyn Report --- p.13 / Chapter 2.3 --- The pursuit of quality --- p.17 / Chapter 2.4 --- Chapter summary --- p.20 / Chapter 3 --- THEORETICAL BACKGROUND --- p.22 / Chapter 3.1 --- Policy discourse --- p.22 / Chapter 3.2 --- Conceptualization of accountability --- p.26 / Chapter 3.3 --- Teacher unionism --- p.30 / Chapter 3.4 --- Chapter summary --- p.34 / Chapter 4 --- RESEARCH DESIGN --- p.36 / Chapter 4.1 --- Research aim --- p.36 / Chapter 4.2 --- Research method --- p.38 / Chapter 4.3 --- Limitations of the study --- p.44 / Chapter 4.4 --- Chapter summary --- p.46 / Chapter 5 --- CAPITALISTIC BACKLASH AGAINST EQUALITY --- p.47 / Chapter 5.1 --- no local demand for equality --- p.47 / Chapter 5.2 --- Equality policy imported --- p.48 / Chapter 5.3 --- Policy makers' disbelief in equality --- p.49 / Chapter 5.4 --- Equality for prosperity --- p.51 / Chapter 5.5 --- Unionists' quest for equality --- p.55 / Chapter 5.6 --- Redefining the rule of the game --- p.61 / Chapter 5.7 --- Chapter summary --- p.66 / Chapter 6 --- ACCOUNTABLE FOR MANAGEMENT INSTEAD OF QUALITY --- p.67 / Chapter 6.1 --- In the name of public fund --- p.67 / Chapter 6.2 --- Managerial accountability preserved --- p.70 / Chapter 6.3 --- Quid pro quo accountability --- p.71 / Chapter 6.4 --- Cultivating quality values --- p.71 / Chapter 6.5 --- Cultural re-engineering --- p.73 / Chapter 6.6 --- Quality indicators --- p.74 / Chapter 6.7 --- Negligible measures for the Unionists --- p.76 / Chapter 6.8 --- Necessary check and balance --- p.77 / Chapter 6.9 --- Grassroots quest for reform --- p.79 / Chapter 6.10 --- "Materialistic ""Pegging Salary on Effectiveness""" --- p.82 / Chapter 6.11 --- Chapter Summary --- p.85 / Chapter 7 --- DISCURSIVE AND DISCIPLINARY PROFESSIONALISM --- p.86 / Chapter 7.1 --- The state disciplines without counter-action --- p.86 / Chapter 7.2 --- Professionalism： Normalize or empower --- p.91 / Chapter 7.3 --- Professionalism for control --- p.95 / Chapter 7.4 --- """Plain"" professionalism" --- p.99 / Chapter 7.5 --- The Union road to professionalism --- p.102 / Chapter 7.6 --- The mass line --- p.103 / Chapter 7.7 --- Political struggle --- p.106 / Chapter 7.8 --- Chapter summary --- p.108 / Chapter 8 --- CONCLUSION --- p.110 / Chapter 8.1 --- Capitalistic imperative versus value addition --- p.110 / Chapter 8.2 --- State control versus the quest for autonomy --- p.112 / Chapter 8.3 --- Professional discourse versus empowerment --- p.114 / Chapter 8.4 --- Implications of this research --- p.116 / Chapter 9 --- APPENDIX --- p.119 / Chapter 9.1 --- List of abbreviations --- p.119 / Chapter 10 --- REFERENCES --- p.120

譚秉源. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院敎育學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves iii-xvi (3rd group). / Tan Bingyuan [Tam Ping Yuen]. / Chapter 第一章 --- 問題闡述 / Chapter 第一節 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 槪念的界定 --- p.3 / Chapter 第三節 --- 硏究背景 --- p.4 / Chapter 第四節 --- 硏究問題綜述 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻評述 / Chapter 第一節 --- 政策分析及政策釐訂過程 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 現代資本主義國家內的政策釐訂過程 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三節 --- 協同主義 --- p.21 / Chapter 第四節 --- 敎育政策的釐訂架構 --- p.25 / Chapter 第五節 --- 敎育團體與教育政策釐訂 --- p.32 / Chapter 第六節 --- 理論總結與香港現實的剖析 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- 硏究設計 / Chapter 第一節 --- 硏究意義 --- p.41 / Chapter 第二節 --- 研究目的 --- p.42 / Chapter 第三節 --- 硏究問題 --- p.43 / Chapter 第四節 --- 硏究範圍 --- p.44 / Chapter 第五節 --- 硏究方法 --- p.45 / Chapter 第六節 --- 硏究架構 --- p.47 / Chapter 第七節 --- 硏究設計 --- p.4 9 / Chapter 第四章 --- 香港敎育政策個案分析一 中學敎學語文政策（1974一一19 8 5) / Chapter 第一節 --- 簡述 --- p.50 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政策的背景和內容 --- p.51 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政府對中學敎學語文政策的立場 --- p.60 / Chapter 第四節 --- 敎協對中學敎學語文政策的立場 --- p.63 / Chapter 第五節 --- 敎協與政府就中學敎學語文政策爭論的焦點 --- p.66 / Chapter 第六節 --- 節敎協與政府就中學敎學語文政策問題的爭持行動 --- p.72 / Chapter 第七節 --- 敎協和政府就本政策釐訂所作的敎育互動 --- p.77 / Chapter 第八節 --- 對本個案的理論分析 --- p.81 / Chapter 第五章 --- 香港敎育政策個案分析二 中學敎學語文政策(19 8 ´6´ؤؤ1996) / Chapter 第一節 --- 簡述 --- p.88 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政策的背景和內容 --- p.89 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政府對中學敎學語文政策的立場 --- p.9 7 / Chapter 第四節 --- 敎協對中學敎學語文政策的立場 --- p.101 / Chapter 第五節 --- 敎協與政府就中學敎學語文政策爭論的焦點 --- p.104 / Chapter 第六節 --- 敎協與政府就中學敎學語文政策問題的爭持行動 --- p.107 / Chapter 第七節 --- 敎協和政府就本政策釐訂所作的敎育互動 --- p.115 / Chapter 第八節 --- 對本個案的理論分析 --- p.119 / Chapter 第六章 --- 香港敎育政策個案分析三 初中會考及初中成績評核政策 / Chapter 第一節 --- 簡述 --- p.123 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政策的背景和內容 --- p.124 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政府對初中會考及初中成績評核政策的立場 --- p.129 / Chapter 第四節 --- 敎協對初中會考及初中成績評核政策的立場 --- p.131 / Chapter 第五節 --- 敎協與政府就初中會考及初中成績評核政策爭論 的焦點 --- p.134 / Chapter 第六節 --- 敎協與政府就初中會考及初中成績評核政策問題 的爭持行動 --- p.1 9 / Chapter 第七節 --- 敎協和政府就本政策釐訂所作的敎育互動 --- p.144 / Chapter 第八節 --- 對本個案的理論分析 --- p.147 / Chapter 第七章 --- 香港敎育政策個案分析四 學習目標及目標爲本評估政策（英文簡稱TTRA ) / Chapter 第一節 --- 簡述 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政策的背景和內容 --- p.152 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政府對學習目標及目標爲本評估政策的立場 --- p.161 / Chapter 第四節 --- 敎協對學習目標及目標爲本評估政策的立場 --- p.163 / Chapter 第五節 --- 敎協與政府就學習目標及目標爲本評估政策爭論的焦點頁 --- p.170 / Chapter 第六節 --- 敎協與政府就學習目標及目標爲本評估政策問題的爭持 行動 --- p.183 / Chapter 第七節 --- 敎協和政府就本政策釐訂所作的敎育互動 --- p.190 / Chapter 第八節 --- 對本個案的理論分析 --- p.197 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結 / Chapter 第一節 --- 簡述 --- p.203 / Chapter 第二節 --- 關於敎協爲影響敎育政策釐訂所作敎育互動的分析 --- p.204 / Chapter 第三節 --- 關於政府對敎協或整體社會所作敎育互動的分析 --- p.208 / Chapter 第四節 --- 關於政府釐訂及推行敎育政策所採策略的分析 --- p.210 / Chapter 第五節 --- 關於協同主義在香港的敎育政策釐訂過程中的體現分析頁 --- p.212 / Chapter 第六節 --- 關於派系互動理性取向在香港敎育政策釐訂過程中的體 現分析 --- p.215 / Chapter 第七節 --- 關於敎育團體影響敎育政策釐訂的效能分析 --- p.215 / Chapter 第八節 --- 關於敎育團體在本港敎育政策釐訂過程中的角色 --- p.217 / Chapter 第九節 --- 本硏究的意義 --- p.219 / Chapter 第十節 --- 本硏究的限制 --- p.220 / Chapter 第十一節 --- 結語 --- p.221 / 註釋 --- p.i / 參考文件 --- p.iii / 中文參考書目 --- p.x / 英文參考書目 --- p.xii

<p>This dissertation examines the political determinants of government spending across different levels of education. What are the political motivations that drive budgetary decisions on primary, secondary, and tertiary education? Who are the beneficiaries of these appropriations? Why are they capable of influencing the decisions over appropriations?</p><p>I argue that the distribution of education spending across education levels depends on the capacity of organized groups active in this sector to make their demands heard and served by governments. Better organized groups have stronger capacity to take advantage of the electoral concerns of politicians and influence their decisions on educational budgets. I provide evidence to show that, with some exceptions, the teachers' unions in the primary and secondary schools are the most influential organized group in the education sector. By taking their demands out to the streets, by capturing key positions in the education ministries, and by using their mobilization capacity in the electoral arena, teachers have made governments cater to their economic interests, rather than direct resources in ways that would enhance access to and the quality of education.</p><p>I test the theoretical arguments using an original dataset incorporating a comprehensive account of all protests, strikes, and other disruptive actions by teachers, university workers, students, and parents in Mexico between 1992 and 2008. The statistical analysis reveals that 1) states with higher levels of teachers' protests receive larger federal education grants, and that 2) subnational authorities spend more on primary and lower secondary as a consequence of the larger disruptive behavior observed in these education levels. Complementary qualitative evidence shows how the teachers' union has captured the education ministries at the federal and the subnational levels, consolidating its influence over education policy. Finally, this study reveals the teachers' union capacity to leverage their participation in electoral politics in order to defend its economic interests.</p> / Dissertation

本文有鑑於我國教師於2011年5月納入勞動三法的規範適用，卻在團體協商的法制度與落實面上仍遭遇諸多困境，故本文從日本發展純熟的公立中小學教師勞動關係中汲取經驗。 我國公立中小學校教師雖已適用勞動三法，然而在薪資來源與勞動權限制上，實與日本公立中小學校教師的勞動條件規範具有相似性，因此，本文選擇日本公立中小學教師之團體協商制度為研究範圍，運用文獻分析法與訪談法，先了解日本法制對於教職員組合的團體協商的規範與限制，再來檢視我國教師工會團體協商的現況。 研究發現我國教師未先享有勞動法制的自由放任期，故在勞動意識的覺醒上，落後於日本教師，而我國教師對勞工身分的躊躇，也影響工會運作，使得勞動教育的宣導成為我國教師工會現階段的核心任務。 日本與我國在教師組織協商法制上，皆有過多限制，亦有不足之處，本文認為日本政府先干預了制度的建立，又消極地在不健全的制度中仰賴勞資自治，而我國的勞資關係，有賴國家的介入得以維護勞動者的權益，但「核可制」也干預了勞資自治的空間。兩國在國家干預與勞資自治之間尚未找到動態的平衡，皆有很大的努力空間。而日本法制上對於雇主當事人的明確定義，以及對於勞動權受限而設置的補償措施，值得我國借鏡。 / Although the labor rights of teachers in Taiwan have been protected by the Three Basic Labor Laws since May 2011, the collective bargaining still faces difficulties on implementation and law itself. The key discussion in this dissertation is to analyze the experience from well-developed skilled labor relationship in the Japanese public elementary and high school teacher organizations in order to realize the situations in Taiwan. The Three Basic Labor Laws don’t truly reflect the salary structures and the labor right restrictions of public elementary and high school teachers. Instead, both designs are more similar to Japanese labor rights and related laws. Thus, I adopt document analysis and interviews to study the laws of collective bargaining in Japanese teacher organizations and explore the implementation of collective bargaining in public elementary and high school teacher organizations in Taiwan. The study shows that teachers in Taiwan are not entitled to the legal system of laissez-faire and then it causes the progression of labor consciousness of teachers are much behind in Taiwan than Japan. Besides, hesitation to labor identity awareness impedes the operations in the teachers’ union as well. So, advocating labor education becomes the main task to the teachers’ union at this moment. There are many restrictions in teacher's organizations both in Taiwan and Japan. The Japanese government intervene the establishment of collective bargaining, however, on the other hand, they passively rely on labor autonomy with this unhealthy system. In Taiwan, we depend on government to safeguard the rights and interests of workers. However, excessive intervention (such as Approves system in Collective Agreement Act) also restricts labor autonomy. Although both countries still need much effort to get the balance between government intervention and labor autonomy, it’s worthy to learn from Japan regarding to the clear definition to employers in labor law systems and the compensation to labor right restrictions.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 2006. / Supervisors: Randy Y. Hirokawa, David B. Hingstman. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-141).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Educational Leadership, 2004. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).

In education policy, the irresistible force paradox—what happens when an irresistible force meets an immovable object?—resonates with many characterisations of the dynamics of education reform and the role of teachers’ unions in reform processes. According to many theories of teachers’ unions in the United States, the paradox is resolved in favour of the immovable object: strong teachers’ unions are alleged to block necessary reforms, hampering school effectiveness and efficiency. This research tests these claims about teachers’ unions, and their impact on reform outcomes—particularly, performance-related pay. Despite teachers’ unions’ supposed opposition to performance-related pay (PRP), there are a number of cases—both within and beyond U.S. borders—where PRP has been implemented. By exploring some of these ‘exceptional’ cases, this research outlines the conditions under which reform is likely to occur, and a more specific explanation of reform ‘failure’. It finds that, though education reform is often portrayed as a power struggle between reform proponents and opponents, there are multiple pathways through which reform may occur. Overpowering unions might be one route, but reform can also be secured through cooperation and compromise. These insights have significant implications for theories of teachers’ unions’ strength, preferences, and policy impact. The findings demonstrate that the insufficiency of existing theoretical accounts. Neither union preferences nor power are simple, monolithic, or predictable, and teachers’ unions do not and cannot block reform at all times and in all places. Beyond theory, these findings carry weighty implications for practitioners regarding the role of unions in public policy decision-making.

Bibliography: pages 275-286. / Focussing primarily on black teacher groups, this dissertation will describe the remarkable events within teacher politics in the Western Cape in the 1980s, following from the Soweto uprising of 1976. The decade of the eighties marked massive changes in the political and educational context within which teachers worked. After 1976, schools became the focus of opposition to the apartheid state. The atmosphere within schools changed as many students rejected the schooling proffered them by the state, and the "professional" implementation of state schooling by teachers. The liberation movement grew as the decade progressed, bolstered by a militant black trade union movement. The liberation struggle expanded and community-based protest drew schools into a broader, societal opposition to the state. The nature of schooling changed, as students and other elements of the liberation movement rejected apartheid education, and began fostering alternative education. Most notably, People's Education articulated both a rejection of state education and a desire for relevant, democratic schooling.

This study investigates the involvement of teacher unions in the implementation of the Employment of Educators Act (Act 76 of 1998) at school level. Union involvement at school level is still characterized by controversy when it comes to the filling of promotional posts and the redeployment of educators. The inappropriate involvement of unions by ignoring their observer status, may lead to the infringement of educators’ rights if it goes unchecked by the DoE. This may consequently result in poor performance by educators who may feel discriminated against during the redeployment and the filling of promotional posts. Teacher unions have the responsibility to ensure that educators are not victimized. If unions abdicate this responsibility and attend to only key union members when promotional posts are filled, they will cease to be effective unions. Unions who protect non-dedicated and unqualified educators from redeployment will lose the respect of the teaching fraternity, and eventually their membership numbers will dwindle. This was a qualitative and exploratory study based on the grounded theoretical approach. It was conducted in Districts 11 and 12 of the Gauteng Department of Education using focus groups and one-on-one interviews with the various stakeholders from the Department of Education, and leaders of the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union, and the National Association of Professional Teachers’ Organizations in South Africa. The findings indicate that during the filling of promotional posts, the unions tend to use undue influence to have their members promoted, to the detriment of deserving and better qualified educators. During the redeployment process they protect their members against principals who declared them in excess. It was reported that principals make use of the redeployment processes to get rid of educators who are often absent from school because of union work during school hours. If the Department of Education does not seriously take control of the situation in respect of the filling of promotional posts and the redeployment of educators, then the teacher unions will take over. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Educational Management)