Thesis (M.S.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on January 4, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Victoria University of Wellington, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references.

Inaug.-Diss.--Marburg. / Lebenslauf. Chap. I and II only of his "Rechtsgeschichte und recht der gemeinen marken in Hessen. I. t. Die hessische markgenossenschaft des späteren mittelalters," pub. in "Arbeiten zum handels-, gewerbe- und landwirt-schaftsrecht," nr. 3, Marburg, 1909. (viii, 260 p.). "Verzeichnis häufiger und abgekürzt angeführter schriften": p.[v]-vii.

ivThe rapid increase of land development, the increase in population and theexploitation of natural resources have caused great concern to mostgovernments in the world today. Land and land tenure systems are the keyelements and the key forces which shape the society. However, theconstraints of the land tenure system and the effects of rapid economicdevelopment are visible throughout the world today, especially in lessdeveloped countries. Therefore land problems often break out as disputes. Inthis context, this thesis concentrates on customary land tenure and thecustomary land problems in Fiji.The main purpose of this thesis is to propose an alternative centre for theadministration and management of customary disputes, which will utiliseland information and geographical information to its maximum capabilities.It is anticipated that this model would assist customary landowners, landadministrators and land managers to resolve customary land disputes. TheFiji customary land tenure system is examined, in particular, landownership,land boundaries and land administration. These three topics are discussedindividually and then discussed as a basis of land disputes. It is in these threeareas that a procedure is developed into a system that may help in customaryland dispute resolution.This thesis aims to assist all other countries with customary land tenureproblems, especially those countries of the South Pacific that share the sameprinciples and the same flexibility.

Thesis--Cornell University. / Bibliography: p. 305-308.

This thesis examines the impact of different customary manorial tenures on the land transfer activities of rural tenants between 1645 and 1705. The study of land transfer has formed part of the attempt by historians to establish how and why England developed from family-based subsistence farming into large-scale commercialised agriculture before many of its Continental neighbours. A key element in any study of land transfer is the property rights of those undertaking the transfers. England had a variety of customary tenures, and little research has focussed on how they operated and impacted on rural tenant transfer behaviour in the early modern period. This study uses evidence from eight manors in Hampshire with four different types of tenure to explore how they affected what land transfer options the tenants had, and how transfers were used to further family and economic objectives. The types of tenure were copyhold of inheritance; copyhold for three lives; copyhold for three lives where the first could act alone; and a form of customary freehold. The main documentary sources are manorial records augmented by parish, probate, survey and taxation material. The tenurial and landholding structure of the manors is established for 1645 using the Cromwellian Parliamentary Surveys of confiscated ecclesiastical estates. The analysis of subsequent tenant land transfers through to 1705 then examines their volume and any correlation with prices and population movements. The permanent transfers of death/inheritance and the inter vivos land market are analysed to assess the extent to which tenants were attached still to family, or taking part in an active extra-familial investment and sales market; and whether this led to changes over time in farm holding size and distribution. The temporary transfers of sub-letting of land and sub-tenure of dwellings are then analysed. The latter has not been studied before, and uses the Hearth Tax returns to compare occupiers of dwellings with formal tenants. Finally a detailed study of mortgages is made. Previous studies of the use of land as collateral for a mortgage loan have often overlooked the rural tenant as a participant in the credit market, and changes in the laws of usury at the end of the sixteenth century produced a significant uptake of mortgaging in the seventeenth, which makes this study timely. The research reveals that the tenants were very active with their transfers, but that the way in which they were active was determined by tenure. Those with copyhold of inheritance tenure had many options including inheritance, sale, mortgaging, sub-letting, splitting holdings, and conditional surrenders to provide for old age or several children. Those with copyhold for lives were restricted to after-death transfers, shuffling of reversion lives, or sub-letting. However, they adapted, and while Inheritance-tenured tenants adopted mortgages with enthusiasm, Lives tenants sub-let on a large scale. Both thereby acquired financial support from their lands, so that although the land-family bond was not absent, the bond was strongest in terms of using the land as an economic asset. The sub-letting of dwellings enabled Lives tenants to accommodate a landless workforce, where their tenure prevented the splitting of parcels for sale as manorial smallholdings. Aggressive accumulation of land was largely absent, and purchasers of land and mortgage lenders were overwhelmingly local. Some polarisation of holding size was found, but sub-tenure meant that actual farmed units were probably very different. It is concluded that differences in tenure significantly shaped the transfer behaviour of the tenants, so that any future research involving customary tenants must take tenure into account. However, their economic ambitions were found to be similar whichever tenure they had, so that they had to take different means to the same end.

The return to the customary or integration of customary and statutory tenure systems to continue gain currency in both contemporary policy and academic discourses on land tenure as an alternative pathway towards enhancing security of access and tenure in the sub-Saharan African context. Central to the debates are issues concerning the relevance of customary land tenure arrangements and appropriate pathways to successfully engineer the process of harmonization toward improved tenure security whilst preserving of the communitarian principles of local tenure systems. Using two case studies in rural Ghana, this study investigated the prevailing land tenure arrangements, practices and socio-political dynamics that underpin them, highlighting the challenges and opportunities that need to be addressed for the successful adaptation of customary tenure rules and institutions into the statutory system towards improved tenure security and sustainable land management. The research employed a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods including interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires to collate and analyse data from sampled respondents in Kakum and Ankasa in southern Ghana. The results of the investigation revealed that contrary to the mainstream view that customary tenure arrangements are incapable of providing tenure security in the face on ongoing transformations, the perceived tenure security of respondents was generally high in the study areas. This notwithstanding, it was observed that the emerging patterns of access and control (occasioned by increasing land scarcity and commodification) have resulted in social differentiation and inequalities in land access and distribution amongst the poor and vulnerable members of the landholding groups including women and the youth. The research also showed that aside from tenure security, other important contextual factors including access to credit, modernised agricultural inputs and targeted extension service support significantly influence households' investment decisions regarding adoption of sustainable land management practices. These findings have far-reaching implications for current land tenure interventions aimed at harmonising customary and statutory tenure structures for improved tenure security and sustainable land management. Results of the investigation were used to develop a three-phase incremental framework on formalisation of customary land rights which could serve as bespoke framework to guide the design of land tenure intervention strategies and implementation towards addressing local tenure insecurity in the specific context of the study areas and sub-Saharan Africa generally. The major conclusion of the research is that balancing the market efficiency and social equity considerations is necessary and should be pursued under the ongoing land tenure reforms for inclusive and equitable outcomes at the local level. This derives from the fact that the existing tenurial challenges are complex and context-specific, equally requiring well-balanced and nuanced solutions to effectively address them.

Orientador: Armando Boito Jr / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T02:00:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Coletti_Claudinei_D.pdf: 1267085 bytes, checksum: 066839696495eaa23027734767a0c3ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a trajetória política do MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) desde o seu surgimento, numa conjuntura marcada pela crise da ditadura militar, até o final do governo neoliberal de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, em 2002.O objetivo geral do trabalho, portanto, é examinar a luta pela terra e pela reforma agrária empreendidas pelo MST em diferentes conjunturas políticas, ou seja, refletir sobre as razões que poderiam explicar o surgimento do movimento, a partir da retomada das ocupações de terra, no Sul do país, no final dos anos 70; analisar os fatores que possibilitaram a expansão do MST por todo o território nacional e sua consolidação efetiva durante o governo Sarney; discutir a repressão que se abateu sobre os sem-terra durante o governo Collor, numa conjuntura marcada pelo início da implantação das políticas neoliberais no Brasil e, finalmente, refletir sobre as razões da expansão do movimento durante o primeiro mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e sobre os fatores explicativos para o refluxo da luta pela terra no segundo mandato desse governo.Se o objetivo geral do trabalho é analisar a trajetória política do MST, o objetivo específico é explicar a importância política que esse movimento adquiriu, na década de 1990, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, numa conjuntura adversa a outros movimentos sociais populares.O crescimento do MST, a partir de 1995, foi possível graças à conjunção de vários fatores, dentre os quais se destacam: o caráter aparentemente democrático do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso; os efeitos sociais perversos das políticas neoliberais que, ao provocarem a falência de milhares de pequenos produtores agrícolas e o aumento do desemprego rural e urbano, possibilitaram ao MST recrutar essa massa marginalizada e expandir suas bases sociais; a ausência dos ¿constrangimentos econômicos¿ entre os sem-terra (medo da demissão, do desemprego, etc.), fator que facilita a mobilização desses trabalhadores; e, por fim, a ideologia anticapitalista do MST, que permitiu ao movimento resistir à hegemonia neoliberal. O MST não só cresceu a partir de 1995, como também se converteu no principal foco de oposição política ao governo, o que gerou, por parte deste (no segundo mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso), uma forte repressão sobre o movimento com a finalidade de isolá-lo e de acuá-lo politicamente / Abstract: This present thesis analyses the political route of the Rural Landless Workers Movement (MST) since its emergence, within a conjuncture characterized by the military dictatorship crisis, until the end of the neoliberal government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, in 2002. The overall objective, therefore, is to examine the fight for land and for an agrarian reform undertaken by the MST in different political conjunctures, in other words, to make a reflection on the reasons that could explain the emergence of the movement, beginning with the land occupation resumption in the south of the country in the late 70¿s; to analyze the factors that made possible the expansion of the MST throughout the whole national territory and its effective consolidation during the Sarney government; to discuss the repression that came over the landless workers during the Collor government, in a conjuncture characterized by the beginning of the implantation of the neoliberal policies in Brazil and, finally, to make some reflections on the reasons of the expansion of the movement during the first mandate of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as well as on the explanatory factors for the land fight reflux during the second mandate of this government. If the overall goal of this study is to analyze the MST¿s political route, the specific goal is to explain the political importance that this movement had acquired in the 90¿s during Fernando Henrique Cardoso¿s government, in a conjuncture that was adverse to other popular social movements. The MST¿s growth, up from 1995, was made possible thanks to the conjunction of various factors, within which are to be highlighted: the apparently democratic nature of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso¿s government; the evil social effects of the neoliberal policies which, by provoking the crash of thousands of small agricultural producers and the rise of the rural and urban unemployment, made possible to the MST to recruit that marginalized crowd and expand its social basis; the absence of the ¿economical embarrassment¿ among the landless (fear for demission, for unemployment, etc.), a factor that eases the mobilization of these workers; and finally, the MST¿s anti-capitalist ideology, which allowed the movement to resist the neoliberal hegemony. Not only did the MST grow up from 1995 but it also converted itself into the main political opposition focus to the government, what generated in the government (during the second mandate of Fernando Henrique Cardoso), a strong repression over the movement, aiming to politically isolate and trap it / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T01:59:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Goncalves_RenataCristina_D.pdf: 25407113 bytes, checksum: c34bc741f451fa7e0bb4f84d174c0a80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Neste trabalho procura-se examinar as formas de participação das mulheres no Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) na região do Pontal do Paranapanema. Recorre-se a entrevistas realizadas com acampados/as, assentados/as, militantes homens e mulheres inserido(a)s na luta pela terra naquela região; à sistemática ín loco como principal meio de burlar as dificuldades que muito(a)s têm com o gravador; e à vasta bibliografia crítica sobre o assunto. Ao longo da pesquisa, foram identificados dois momentos e espaços diferentes de participação feminina na luta pela terra. O primeiro corresponde à fase do acampamento, em que se começa a viver coletivamente sob as regras materializadas no chamado "regimento interno", que estabelecem os "códigos" de conduta de cada membro do acampamento, com novas aprendizagens podendo levar à ruptura das cercas de gênero. O segundo é o do assentamento. Este representa um desfecho positivo para os sem terra contra o monopólio do latifúndio. É o momento de um novo processo que implica criar condições para a permanência na terra conquistada. No entanto, o que se verifica são condições precárias de assentamentos revelando que estes se tomaram uma estratégia para amenizar conflitos sociais. Uma vez no assentamento, aspectos econômicos e tecnológicos adquirem formas em que o tempo e o espaço são regidos pelo modo de produção dominante. Para além da sobrevivência, é necessário produzir para pagar os empréstimos feitos junto ao Estado, ao banco, etc. A luta para permanecer na terra se toma imediatista e o aspecto econômico se impõe e acentua retomo da velha divisão sexual do trabalho, colocando em xeque as aprendizagens de gênero durante os anos de luta nos acampamentos. Frente a estas dificuldades, o MST propõe novos modelos de assentamento que permitam combinar independência, com relação do modo de produção dominante, e novas relações que permitam eliminar as trincheiras machistas do movimento / Abstract: This study examines the forms of women's participation in the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) in the Pontal do Paranapanema region. It employs interviews with squatters, settlers, and male and female militants involved in the struggle for land in that region; the in loco system as the principal means for overcoming the difficulties that many have with tape recording; and the vast critical literature on the subject. During the course of the research two different spaces and moments of feminine participation in the struggle for land were identified. The first corresponds to the encampment phase, during which participants being to live collectively under the rules of the so-called "internal regimen," which establish the "codes" of conduct for each member of the encampment. New lessons learned during this phase can lead to the breaking down of gender barriers. The second phase is the settlement. This represents a positive outcome for the landless against the monopoly of the large landholding. It is the beginning of a new process that implies creating conditions for staying on the land that has been conquered. Nonetheless, what we observe are precarious conditions that reveal that the settlements have become a strategy to quel! social conflicts. In the settlement economic and technological conditions take on forms in which time and space are shaped by the dominant mode of production. Beyond surviving it is necessary to produce in order to pay the loans received from the state, the bank, etc. The struggle to stay on the land becomes the immediate :priority and the economic aspect imposes itself and brings back the old sexual division of labor, putting in check the gender leaming experiences of the years of struggle in the encampments. In the face of these difficulties, the MST proposes new models of settlement which allow independence in relation to the dominant mode of production to be combined with new relations that make it possible to eliminate the barriers of male chauvinism within the movement / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais