Under Vietnamkrigets förlopp så ändrades sättet som samhället betraktade journalister samt hur deras egen praxis var. Daniel C Hallin beskriver det som att de gick från att ses som en del av myndigheterna till att vara ”vakthundar”. De gick från att vara soldater vid skrivmaskinen till att övervaka det politiska styret. En högre journalistisk standard blev följden. En tidigare studie av New York Times rapportering av förloppet av kriget visar förändringar i användandet av källor och hur vinklingen gick från positiv till kriget till att vara emot det. Denna studie undersöker New York Times rapportering av Irakkriget och fokuserar på om tidningens journalister agerade som vakthundar eller som skrivmaskinssoldater. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys med fokus på fyra datum under 2003 och samma datum 2005 kan studien se hur tidningen använde källor och om den stod bakom bevisen som President Bush presenterade emot Saddam Hussein.  Ur en teoretisk synvinkel tillämpas Pierre Bourdieus fältteori som beskriver media fältet och det politiska fältet som i en tävling mot varandra. En tävling som styrs av normer som reglerar hur interaktionen mellan fälten går till. Förändringen som tillkom under Vietnamkriget ändrade dessa normer. Tidningar som New York Times blev mer självständiga gentemot politiken och normen blev att övervaka myndigheten istället för att föra fram dess budskap. Denna studie går igenom ett antal faktorer som påverkade hur NY Times rapporterade om Irakkriget. En av dessa faktorer är ett kapitalistiskt system som gör att media känner sig tvungna att producera nyheter även om de är osäkra på källorna. Samt det politiska klimatet som existerade i USA där nationell säkerhet prioriterades. President George W Bush använde dessa faktorer på ett smart vis och skapade en situation där media återigen kopplades samman med styret under Irakkriget.  Tidigare forskning gjord av Rod Brookes och Justin Lewis samt av FAIR visar att delar av brittisk media och amerikansk tv-media var för kriget i majoriteten av deras sändningar. Denna innehållsanalys visar att även NY Times rapportering var positiva till Bushs bevis och anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2003 så var tidningen beroende av militären och det politiska styret som källor till dess rapportering. De var inledningsvis positiva till kriget och förde fram George W Bushs budskap om att kriget var nödvändigt. Ett flertal variabler visar dock att tendensen var att rapporteringen blev mer skeptisk till Bushs anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2005 så ifrågasattes motiven och tidningens skildring vinklade kriget negativt.   Uppsatsens diskussion kopplar denna tendens till att fler krigskritiska källor kommer fram på grund av att Bush förlorade kontrollen av informationsflödet. En jämförelse görs med Vietnam-studien vilket visar att rapporteringen av Irakkriget hade ett större beroende av militära källor (32,3% under 2003 och 10 % totalt under Vietnamkriget). Samt ifrågasatte sina källor mindre. En slutsats görs att den högre graden av journalistik som kom till under Vietnamkrigets tid inte var representerad under inledningen av Irakkriget. / Around the time of the Vietnam war the way journalists were looked upon by society changed aswell as their own praxis. Daniel C Hallin describes it as they went from appearing as an extended part of the government to being watchdogs. They went from being typrewritersoldiers to monitoring the government and a higher standard of journalism came with it. A previous study of mine of the New York Times report of the Vietnam war showed that the way sources were used changed during the course of the war. And the report went from being positive to opposing the war. This study examines New York Times report of the Iraq war and focuses on the role of the newspaper. Were their journalists watchdogs or typewritersoldiers. By making a quantative content analysis focusing on four dates in 2003 and the same dates 2005. The study sees how the newspaper used it 's sources and if it stood behind President Bushs motives for the war.   The study applies Pierre Bourdies field theory which describes media and politics as fields that are in a contest with eachother. Their interactions are controlled by norms. This study looks at the changes that occured during the Vietnam war as the norms changning. Media grew more independent from politics and monitoring the government became the norm instead of broadcasting it 's messages. This study describes a capitalistic system that pressures the media to produce news even if they're unsure of it's sources. Aswell as a political climat in the USA that prioritised national security. President George W Bush used these factors in a smart way and created a situation where the media once again became less independent from the political field during the first stages of the war. Previous studies done by Rod Brookes and Justin Lewis and F.A.I. R have shown that parts of the brittish and american tv-media were pro-war in a majority of their broadcasts. This content analysis had a similar result. During 2003 a majority of the newspapers sources came from the american military and the political field. It concludes that the NY Times was positive to Bushs motives for the war. But grew sceptical and questioned them in 2005. The discussion in the study connects this to more anti-war sources coming forward as a consequence of Bush losing the flow of information. A comparison with the Vietnam war shows that the journalists covering the Iraq war used military sources significantly more (32,3% in 2003 and 10 % in total in the Vietnam war). And questioned their sources less than in the coverage of the Vietnam war. The conclusion of the study is that the higher standard of journalism that surfaced during the Vietnam war wasn 't present at the start of the Iraq war.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The primary objective of this pilot study was to understand the military experiences of OEF/OIF women veterans. Seven women veterans described accounts of sexual harassment and sexual assault, also known in the Veteran Health Administration (VHA) context as Military Sexual Trauma (MST). The prevalence and dialogue of MST both explicitly and implicitly throughout all the interviews justified examining MST on its own. As an alternative to tracking new cases of MST, this thesis provides an examination of the rhetoric of betrayal and suggests that objective knowledge of MST does not exist apart from such social conditions and one’s interpretations of them. Betrayal emerged as the way in which women veterans understood and made meaning of their MST experiences during the claims-making process. Women veterans incorporated strategies to manage the sexual harassment and sexual assault they experienced while in the military environment, since reporting MST was actively discouraged. Findings from this study suggest that the way we approach and understand MST as a social problem needs to be reconsidered and further examined.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Traumatic brain injury (TBI) has emerged as a major cause of morbidity among U.S. soldiers who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Even mild TBI (mTBI) can result in cognitive impairments that can impact how veterans experience such things as physical symptoms, emotions and behaviors, instrumental activities of daily living, interpersonal interactions, and community reintegration. The purpose of this study was to develop a comprehensive self-management intervention for veterans with mTBI to facilitate their community reintegration upon returning from deployment to combat zones. This study was conducted in two Phases. Phase I entailed collecting qualitative data regarding needs, concerns, strategies used, and advice given by eight veterans with mTBI, guided by a conceptual model derived from Ferrans’ and colleagues’ health-related quality of life model and the TBI literature. Six key categories and predominant themes emerged providing further support for the model (cognitive impairments, physical symptoms, emotions and behaviors, instrumental activities of daily living, interpersonal interactions, and community reintegration). Guided by the conceptual model, a mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and 14 algorithms making up the VETeranS Compensate, Adapt, REintegrate (VETSCARE) intervention were developed. Phase II entailed obtaining review of the mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and the 14 VETSCARE algorithms from six TBI experts. On a scale of 1 to 5, with 5 being strongly agree, expert ratings provided moderate evidence of content validity for the checklist (3.33), and for the 14 algorithms (problem relevance 3.92, accuracy 3.73, feasibility 3.80, acceptability 3.84). The average overall expert rating for the VETSCARE intervention was 3.82. The checklist and the 14 algorithms are being revised based on specific comments provided by the experts. Once revised, the mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and the VETSCARE intervention will be tested for feasibility in a future pilot study with veterans with mTBI who have recently returned from combat zones in Iraq and Afghanistan.

No description available.

Approximately 1.76 million men and women have served in the Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) military campaigns since October 2001. The transition from living in a war zone to resuming a fulfilling life at home is often difficult for veterans. The purpose of this mixed methods study was to gain understanding of the issues that complicate health for veterans and approaches veterans used to resolve complicating health issues associated with the challenge of coming home from war. Qualitative data collection and analysis was guided by story inquiry method. Quantitative data was collected using the 36-item Short-Form Health Survey, Version 2 (SF-36v2) and analyzed using QualityMetric Health Outcomes[TM] Score Software, Version 4.0. Seven OEF/OIF veterans who had completed at least one tour of duty in Iraq since October 2001 participated in this study. Three themes emerged from the qualitative data that capture the complicating health issues that participants encountered when coming home from war: flipping the switch, figuring out how to belong, and living the stress of a new normal. Two themes emerged from the qualitative data that capture approaches used to resolve complicating health issues associated with returning home from war: connecting with others and choosing a positive attitude. Quantitative data revealed that the majority of participants scored at or above general population norms on three of the subscales that measure physical health, as well as on two of the subscales that measure mental health; however a significant percentage scored below norms on the subscale that measures social functioning (57%) and on the subscale that directly measures mental health (43%). / All three themes describing complicating health issues that emerged during qualitative data analysis resonated with the SF-36v2's measures of mental health, especially social functioning which inquires about experiences with social interactions. Both themes describing movement toward resolving resounded strongly with the SF-36v2's measures of mental health. From this study's findings, changes to policy and practice, education of nurses and post-secondary faculty, and future research have been recommended to continue to assist the war veteran who is coming home. / by LisaMarie Wands. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This dissertation produces the first attempt to bring the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the political theory literature on citizenship into dialogue with the scholarship on American empire in the field of International Relations (IR). It explores how the United States’ quest for global pre-eminence, mirrored by the war in Iraq, reveals and exacerbates the social wounds at the seams of American society. To do this, it introduces three new concepts to the field of International Relations. It builds on historian Christophe Charle’s sociological framework of “imperial society” and “national habitus” (2001, 2004 and 2005) and introduces an original concept, the field of citizenship, to examine social conflict over the distribution of military sacrifice amongst citizens in the United States. Finally, it explores these tensions by looking at multiple documentary sources, including over 200 newspaper articles, 60 testimonies about the war from soldiers and their relatives, congressional documents, and military manpower policies.

This dissertation produces the first attempt to bring the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the political theory literature on citizenship into dialogue with the scholarship on American empire in the field of International Relations (IR). It explores how the United States’ quest for global pre-eminence, mirrored by the war in Iraq, reveals and exacerbates the social wounds at the seams of American society. To do this, it introduces three new concepts to the field of International Relations. It builds on historian Christophe Charle’s sociological framework of “imperial society” and “national habitus” (2001, 2004 and 2005) and introduces an original concept, the field of citizenship, to examine social conflict over the distribution of military sacrifice amongst citizens in the United States. Finally, it explores these tensions by looking at multiple documentary sources, including over 200 newspaper articles, 60 testimonies about the war from soldiers and their relatives, congressional documents, and military manpower policies.

This dissertation produces the first attempt to bring the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the political theory literature on citizenship into dialogue with the scholarship on American empire in the field of International Relations (IR). It explores how the United States’ quest for global pre-eminence, mirrored by the war in Iraq, reveals and exacerbates the social wounds at the seams of American society. To do this, it introduces three new concepts to the field of International Relations. It builds on historian Christophe Charle’s sociological framework of “imperial society” and “national habitus” (2001, 2004 and 2005) and introduces an original concept, the field of citizenship, to examine social conflict over the distribution of military sacrifice amongst citizens in the United States. Finally, it explores these tensions by looking at multiple documentary sources, including over 200 newspaper articles, 60 testimonies about the war from soldiers and their relatives, congressional documents, and military manpower policies.

This dissertation produces the first attempt to bring the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the political theory literature on citizenship into dialogue with the scholarship on American empire in the field of International Relations (IR). It explores how the United States’ quest for global pre-eminence, mirrored by the war in Iraq, reveals and exacerbates the social wounds at the seams of American society. To do this, it introduces three new concepts to the field of International Relations. It builds on historian Christophe Charle’s sociological framework of “imperial society” and “national habitus” (2001, 2004 and 2005) and introduces an original concept, the field of citizenship, to examine social conflict over the distribution of military sacrifice amongst citizens in the United States. Finally, it explores these tensions by looking at multiple documentary sources, including over 200 newspaper articles, 60 testimonies about the war from soldiers and their relatives, congressional documents, and military manpower policies.

This study examined the ideograph of <collateral damage> through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.