How has the EEAS affected, if in any way, the coherence of the CFSP on the vertical dimension in security and defence matters? In this thesis I answer this research question in order to draw a conclusion on the affect of the EEAS on the cooperation and coordination of the MS with and within the CFSP in security and defence matters. Coherence within the EU’s foreign policy is an issue that its leaders have emphasized on developing for more than four decades. The introduction of the EEAS through the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 is perceived to enhance the cooperation and coordination of the MS with and within the CFSP, as well as coordinate the actions of the MS outside the boundaries of the EU. By conducting a multiple case study, in this thesis I compare how the most powerful MS: the UK, France, and Germany, interacted with and within the CFSP in the 2003 Iraq War, and the 2011 military intervention in Libya. Relatedly, a qualitative content analysis approach is applied in order to uncover all relevant information from the primary and secondary literature concerning the two cases. In contrast to most of the previous studies conducted on this topic, I combine and apply the theoretical perspectives of liberal institutionalism and social constructivism in order to explain and explore the phenomenon under investigation. Conclusively, this thesis suggests that the coherence of the CFSP on the vertical dimension in security and defence matters has not been affected in any way after the EEAS has been implemented in the CFSP. This is due to the inherent characteristic of the MS of always prioritizing their national interests, determined by their value-based normative ideas gained through social interaction, before a collective, effective, and coherent CFSP in defence and security terms.

<p dir="ltr">Violent death that violates the ontological dignity of the body and the disappeared corpse often results in a crisis of mourning for those left behind, with the matter made all the more complicated when it comes to instances of politically motivated violence in the context of war. What follows such death/disappearance are issues of identification, collection of remains and, ultimately, an inability to enact necessary death rituals such as washing, shrouding and burial, leading to a separation between the dislocated soul and the corporeal form on part of the dead and the issue of incomplete mourning on part of the bereaved. Both the living and the dead, thus, come to occupy a liminal space (<i>barzakh</i>) where the boundaries between past/present, human/non-human, and dead/alive fall away. This paper argues that this in-between state helps the mourner gain access to a radical state of bearing witness outside of the oppressive binaries of the modern world. This work makes use of Middle Eastern (Iraq, Palestine, Egypt) and South Asian (Kashmir) literatures dealing with dehumanization and violent death in the context of what Achille Mbembe refers to as “death-worlds,” inhabitants of which are deemed “living-dead.”</p>

Throughout history, radical individuals have caused violence and tarnished the reputation of many communities and beliefs. Following 9/11, Islamic Terrorism put fear into many individuals. New fronts of the War on Terror began to open as militaries began to engage terrorist groups who sought to take action through radical beliefs. Al Qaeda had opened up a new front and joined the ranks of the Sunni Insurgency to confront the armed forces of the United States as the Invasion of Iraq began to unfold. This new group had radical leaders who were able to incite a stiff and violent campaign against their enemies. The U.S. was able to slow down the group, but not the ideology, tactics, and leadership once it withdrew from the conflict zone. As leaders in the area began to divide their societies by violence and marginalization, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria were able to come into power and create small, quasi-legitimate caliphate. Although the group may be somewhat defeated in the region, the ideology will carry on. By using organizational theory, we can better compare both groups and learn from their strengths and weaknesses. Through analyzing this parallel case study, new doors may be opened up for research to be able to slow down radical ideologies and thwart violent actions. / Master of Arts / Following 9/11, we begin to see the United States devote countless amounts of resources and energy to combat radical Islamic ideologies. In this, we study Al Qaeda and its Iraq branch, AQI, and how its remnants were able to create one of the most successful and notorious Islamic terror organizations. This thesis allows growth to the study of terrorism, primarily by comparing two terror groups and understanding their rise to success and failures. This thesis also helps study how groups can split apart and form new offshoot organizations. Looking into groups' ideologies allows for the researchers to also how they may affect success. As groups rise and fall, there may a continuation of an ideology. New platforms can assist in this, and play large parts of a groups success. Leadership can be a large factor, guiding a group to success or hurting its image. To combat terror organizations, the military can affect how they grow, thus showing the power of settings and where terror organizations can thrive. By comparing and contrasting organizations, it allows for a different approach of research that can help in preventing violent actors to continue on a similar path.

In the wake of the misbegotten US invasion of Iraq in 2003, we have to acknowledge that there are critical flaws in how our intelligence community (the CIA and its “sister-agencies”) produces knowledge. Instead of arguing that the intelligence community acted in bad faith, or that the mistaken pre-war intelligence was a “perfect storm” of bad luck, as others have, this dissertation argues that the intelligence community’s rhetorical culture led it into fatally flawed epistemological practices, demonstrated most dramatically in the mistaken pre-invasion allegations of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction programs. Chapter one explains the problematic assumptions behind the question of whether or not the intelligence community overtly politicized its pre-war intelligence estimates. In chapter two, the intelligence community’s theories of language are explored. Chapter three addresses how the intelligence community teaches and practices writing. The intelligence community’s inflexible commitment to writing in a “clear” prose style proves problematic when that clarity belies the uncertainty of its estimates. The fourth and final chapter addresses issues of disciplinarity in the intelligence community, explores the possibility of a rhetorical theory of intelligence, and offers conclusions. / text

The diploma thesis Photographic essay of yesterday and today (comparison of media image of war conflicts in news periodicals) presents comparison of the visual image of photographic essay of the 50s and 60s - the classical photojournalism period, with the contemporary one. The diploma thesis examines photographic essay, using war photography as an example. For clarity, photographic essays from two major war conflicts are examined. The pictures published in the American news magazine LIFE dealing with the Vietnam war are used as an example of the photographic essay produced during the classical photojournalism era of the 50s and 60s. Photographic essays published by the members of VII Photo Agency committed to the Iraq war serve as an example of the contemporary work. This thesis analyses the individual photos and the visual image of photographic essay on the whole, too. The aim of the diploma thesis is to demonstrate that modern technology highly affects the visual image of today's photographic essays.

L’invasion et l’occupation de l’Irak ont montré les capacités des Etats-Unis de renverser un ordre politique, et les difficultés d’en construire un à leur profit. Le postulat de départ de la présente recherche consiste à s’interroger sur les effets produits par la présence américaine en Irak. Ceux-ci ne peuvent être analysés indépendamment des logiques qui en sont à l’origine ni de l’interaction avec de multiples acteurs. C’est donc à une analyse stratégique que cette interrogation invite : analyse du raisonnement, de l’articulation entre fins, voies et moyens, mais aussi de l’interdépendance entre les actions américaines et celles des acteurs irakiens. A cette aune, l’histoire militaire devient l’occasion d’une étude sociologique de l’utilisation de la force ainsi que des rapports entre sphères politiques et militaires. D’autre part, l’inscription des actions militaires dans un contexte sociopolitique dynamique porte à se poser la question du rôle joué par la coercition dans l’établissement d’un ordre politique au niveau local. Plus largement enfin, cette thèse interroge les prétentions des Etats occidentaux et de la communauté internationale à promouvoir un ordre libéral dans un contexte de consolidation de l’Etat. / The US invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq seem to highlight the capability of the United States to overthrow a given political order as well as the difficulties in building another order more favorable to their interests. That research is premised on the analytical necessity to interrogate the effects produced by the American presence in Iraq. Indeed, the effects of military actions cannot be studied independently from their underlying logic. In addition, one has to take into account the dialectical interaction between US military actions and those of the various actors at play in Iraq. Hence a strategic analysis, drawing on the Clausewitzian strategic theory and encompassing the reasoning, the articulation between ends, ways and means, and the interplay between the US and Iraqi actors. In the light of this analysis, military history gives way to a more sociological study of the use of force and of the civil-military relations. Furthermore, as military actions are inscribed in a broader and dynamic sociopolitical context, it is necessary to question the role of coercion in building a political order at the local level. At a higher level, this study questions Western States’ and international community’s claims to promote a liberal order in a context of state consolidation.

The cruelty of Military Police guards at Abu Ghraib prison contributed to American shame and questions regarding how such cruelty emerges. The accepted approach of "situational attribution theory" - based upon Zimbardo's (1973, 2007) social psychological perceptions and results of the Stanford Prison Experiment - proposed that personality or "disposition" has little role in the emergence of such cruelty. Termed "institutional cruelty," this manuscript presents the possibility that understandings and preventive measures afforded by situational attribution theory can be extended via acknowledgement of a greater role played by disposition. Psychoanalytic and object relations approaches are presented to this end. The manuscript addresses the most puzzling characteristics of institutional cruelty: 1) rapidity of onset, taking days or, at most, weeks for initial expression, 2) emergence in ordinary, normal individuals, and 3) emergence in the "mock" situation of the Stanford Prison Experiment. Criminological, organizational culture, and social psychological theories are explored for their application to institutional cruelty. / by Paul Hofacker. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography and footnotes. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research aims to analyze two journalistic productions regarding to the recent phenomena that led to the expansion of the paramilitary group Daesh into a 'Caliphate', the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Several media companies sent correspondents and journalists who, through news, sought to keep their viewers connected and informed about the ongoing war. Two productions among the great tangle of information available on the internet stand out in this matter: the documentary The Islamic State (2014), produced by the American news company Vice, and the magazine Dabiq (2014-2016) produced by the ISIS itself. Tied with the studies of audiovisual, journalistic and recent sources, the research seeks to follow the 'History of the Present', addressing issues focused on the media construction of EIIL in order to discuss the nuances, approximations and distancing of both productions in focus / A presente pesquisa busca analisar duas produções jornalísticas sobre o fenômeno recente da expansão do grupo paramilitar islâmico Daesh em um ‘Califado’, o chamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (EIIL). Diversas companhias de comunicação enviaram correspondentes e jornalistas que, através de notícias, buscaram manter seus espectadores conectados e informados sobre a guerra em andamento. Duas produções dentre o grande emaranhado de informações disponíveis na internet se destacam neste sentido: o documentário The Islamic State (2014), produzido pela companhia norte-americana de notícias Vice, e a revista Dabiq (2014-2016) realizada e produzida pelo próprio EIIL. Ancorada nos estudos perante fontes audiovisuais e jornalísticas, a pesquisa visa ir ao encontro da ‘História do Presente’ abordando questões voltadas à construção midiática do EIIL de maneira a discutir as nuances, aproximações e distanciamentos das produções em foco

In 1979, the socio-­political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-­traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula de Campos Elias.pdf: 380059 bytes, checksum: d55bbfe85b67c306dd8dcc8749594e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to analyze the perception and positioning of the American newspaper The New York Times about the Iraq war led by George W. Bush in 2003. It will also approach the question of the relationship between media and government. The theoretical foundation of the work consists of the literature of the field of international relations, American foreign policy and political communication. The empirical part will involve the attempt to establish a correlation between the tone and content of the newspaper editorials and the president's popularity during the war / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a percepção e o posicionamento do jornal americano The New York Times sobre a Guerra do Iraque conduzida por George W. Bush em 2003. Também será trabalhada a questão da relação entre mídia e governo. O alicerce teórico do trabalho consiste de literatura do campo de relações internacionais, política externa americana e comunicação política. A parte empírica implicará na tentativa de estabelecer uma correlação entre o tom e o conteúdo dos editoriais do referido jornal e a popularidade do presidente durante a guerra