La tesi dottorale indaga l'articolato sistema di interferenze che la normativa dell'Unione europea esercita sul diritto penale interno, di cui il settore ambientale è parso emblematico. Dal punto di vista sistematico, la tesi può idealmente essere suddivisa in due parti. La prima di queste è dedicata al più generale interrogativo circa l’atteggiarsi del dialogo tra ordinamento interno e sovranazionale alla luce delle novità determinatesi con la riforma dei Trattati del 2009 (e segnatamente; l'eliminazione della divisione in pilastri dell'Unione, la previsione di una competenza penale indiretta dell'Unione, l'attribuzione di valore giuridicamente vincolante alla Carta dei diritti fondamentali e la prevista adesione alla CEDU) in una prospettiva critica “costituzionalmente orientata”. La seconda è più specificamente rivolta alla materia ambientale, quale banco di verifica del funzionamento della nuova potestà punitiva sovranazionale, nonché della competenza redazionale del legislatore comunitario. / The enquiry aims to explore the relationships between European Legislation and National Criminal Law. The thesis is composed of two parts: the first one relates to questions pertaining to the National Criminal Law in light of the innovations of the Lisbon Treaty (i.e. the abolition of the three-pillar structure of the EU, the EU Criminal Law Competence, the Charter of Fundamental Rights that was given binding legal effect equal to the Treaties, the legal basis for the accession of the Union to the European Convention on Human Rights). The analysis is done assuming a constitutional-oriented approach. The second part relates to Environmental Law as a test case for the EU Criminal Competences.

Esta Dissertação tem por finalidade examinar as diferentes formas por que o federalismo pode e vem se manifestando desde o modelo embrionário, dos Estados Unidos da América, até a união de Estados nacionais que integra a União Européia. Como primeiro passo, destaca os elementos constitutivos do Estado Federal, com ênfase na importância do fator descentralização do poder na construção de um Estado composto formado por Estados autônomos; em seguida, investiga as origens históricas do federalismo antigo e do norte-americano, na busca dos motivos que levaram à criação de tão inovadora forma de governo de modo particular, traz a abordagem de um caso emblemático de federalismo assimétrico, o das Comunidades Autônomas espanholas, a em de demonstrar a complexidade de coexistência em um só Estado de diversas nacionalidades, etnias, tradições regionais etc.; depois, apresenta o impacto do caso europeu, sem precedentes, em uma era globalizada, ante a necessidade de um processo de integração de maior consistência entre Estados. Culmina por perscrutar os fatores federativos emergentes do Tratado de Lisboa, aprovado em 2009. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine into the different ways federalism may assume and has assumed from the embryonic model of the United States of America through the union of national States found in the European Union. As a first step, this study points out the constitutive elements of the federal State, focusing on the power decentralization factor in building a composite State formed of autonomous States. Next, the historic origins of the ancient and the American federalism will be examined, in an attempt to identify the reasons that lead to the creation of such an innovative form of government. Particularly, an emblematic case of asymmetric federalism will be studied, namely, the Spanish Autonomous Communities, in order to demonstrate the complexity of the cohabitation, in a single State, of several nationalities, ethnic groups, regional traditions, etc. Finally, the impact of the unprecedented European case in a global era, in view of the need for a more consistent integration process among States, will be analyzed. The study culminates with an investigation into the federative factors emerging from the Lisbon Treaty ratified in 2009.

Abstract Since democracy was developed in the ancient Greece it has come to be used within a small city state, within the national state and as today used within a bigger perspective. After the end of the second world war political leaders wanted to make sure that there would never be a war between European countries again. Now, about 60 years later this type of cooperation now involves 27 of the European countries and goes under the name of the Euroapean Union. This means that democracy is no longer used just within the nation state, but within a big organisation that is responsible for almost 500 million Europeans lives. This also means that the European Union need to make some institutional reforms to be able to handle all the future challenges. The European Union is often accused of not being democratic enough and in my thesis I wanted to see what if there were any suggestions for a more democratic union within the new Lisbon treaty. The aim with this thesis has been to investigate if the European Union can be more democratic in the futher according to those changes that is listed in the Lisbon treaty. My comprehensive objective is: does the European Union have any intentions of making the democratic bas within the union more democratic in the new Lisbon treaty? My other objectives are: How democratic is the EU today? How does the democratic base within the EU look like today? How does the democratic base change in the new Lisbon treaty? I have used a qualitative text analysis as a method to answer my questions because it’s a good method to use when we want to investigate organisational changes for example. The result of my thesis has shown that some democratic changes are expressed in the Lisbon treaty and that they will make the EU a little bit more democratic in the future.

Les conséquences du changement climatique ont soulevé un ensemble de problématiques et parmi elles, la migration environnementale. Bien que débattu par certains chercheurs dès le milieu du 20e siècle, ce phénomène pose encore en 2020 des difficultés tant au niveau terminologique, scientifique que juridique, engendrant des approches différenciées en fonction des instances de discussion. Ce mémoire souhaitait évaluer les politiques et normes qui pouvaient être mises en place au niveau régional, tout en prenant en considération le contexte international dans lequel il évolue, afin d’apporter une protection aux déplacés environnementaux. Conséquemment, le choix s’est porté sur l’Union européenne afin de mieux saisir les évolutions apportées par le Traité de Lisbonne. Ce dernier a fourni un cadre juridique nouveau, favorisant la prise en considération des déplacés environnementaux. Nous avons pu examiner les compétences qui pouvaient être saisies par l’Union européenne, avant d’en analyser l’effectivité. Cela nous a permis de conclure que le droit humanitaire, applicable de façon différenciée en fonction des objectifs qu’il poursuit, ainsi que les politiques de prévention, pourraient apporter une aide effective aux déplacés environnementaux. Nous nous sommes également intéressés aux incomplétudes que pouvaient présenter ces mesures. Cette étude s’est toutefois heurtée à certaines limites, notamment par l’approche holistique que nécessite cette recherche. En effet, les constats scientifiques et juridiques divergents ne permettent pas de conclure à des solutions définitives et homogènes. En outre, les enjeux environnementaux tels qu’ils sont posés aujourd’hui peuvent évoluer positivement ou négativement eu égard aux déplacés environnementaux. Enfin, nous avons décidé de nous attarder uniquement sur les politiques applicables au niveau supranational sans nous étendre sur les apports convenus au niveau national par les États membres, compte tenu du format universitaire. / The consequences of climate change have raised a few issues, including environmental migration. Though debated by some researchers as of the middle of the 20th Century, this phenomenon still poses difficulties in 2020 especially in terms of the scientific and legal terminology, generating differentiated approaches depending on the reason for the debate. Considering this continuing legal vacuum, this dissertation wished to assess the policies that could be carried out at the regional level, while taking into consideration the international context in which it operates. Consequently, the choice fell on the European Union to better understand the developments brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon. The latter has brought a new legal framework, favoring the consideration of environmentally displaced people. We were thus able to examine the competences which could be seized by the European Union, before analyzing their effectiveness. This allowed us to conclude that humanitarian law, applicable differently depending on the objectives it pursues, and prevention policies could provide effective aid to the displaced. We were also interested in the limits that these solutions could present. This study, however, came up against certain limitations, notably by the holistic approach required. Indeed, the divergent scientific and legal conclusions did not allow us to draw definitive and homogeneous solutions. In addition, environmental challenges as they are posed today can evolve positively or negatively about environmentally displaced people. Finally, we have decided to focus only on the policies applicable at the supranational level without dwelling on the contributions agreed at the national level by Member States, considering the university format.

The Czech Republic has been regarded as a little troublemaker of the EU due to its Eurosceptic stances. This phenomenon was distinct in the 2000s regardless of the state's position, whether it was just an EU candidate or already a member state. Around the time, President Vacláv Klaus and his political party (ODS), as Czech leadership, contributed to promoting the Eurosceptic governments towards the EU. It could be seen as strange that such a trait was revealed both in the midst of preparations to join the EU and after its accession when it is the proper time to present a cooperative attitude. Thus, this thesis speculates that the skeptical national identity of the Czech Republic has been constructed throughout history, particularly about 450 years from the Bohemia Kingdom to Czechoslovakia (1525~1971), and affected then Czech domestic politics to formulate the official Eurosceptic positions towards the several EU integration matters (constitutional, security, and monetary integrations). In this context, this master's thesis aims to find an objective correlation that Czech identity had an influence on then Czech Euroscepticism. This way, this thesis expects to advance knowledge concerning Czech identity and its relevance to European politics.

1 Abstract - Europeanisation of Criminal Law The Europeanization of criminal law is a convergent process of national criminal orders. This paper focus on a progress made within the political hybrid - the European Union that had no competences in this field in the beginning. Firstly, I present the evolution of the primary law up to the present situation. Next there is an overview of the EU Agencies. The core of this work is to present the newest changes set up by Lisbon Treaty and Stockholm Programme and to chart the evolution of the cooperation that I try to evaluate in the conclusion. The Criminal Law represents a highly particular area of the international cooperation because this legal subject is considered to be one of the most basic elements of the state sovereignty. Thus, any external intervention to the national criminal law presents a hit to the state sovereignty. Another obstacle to the international cooperation in the criminal affairs is the diversity of national criminal orders. Besides, this diversity is believed to be an expression of national peculiarities and any attempt to unify anything in this area is considered to be an effort to repress national differences. We can not deny the symbolic value of the national codifications. Anyway, the biggest problem to the international cooperation is...

Title: Priorities of EU sport policy and funding for sports Objectives: The main objective is to describe the existing methods and the resulting possibilities for the sport funding EU-level scheme. This will result in presenting a comprehensive and clear picture of all EU funding mechanisms that could be beneficial for sports. The thesis also aims to describe the issue in the context of the EU sport policy priorities development and give an overview of the Council and Commission sport-related policy activities. Methods: In this thesis, a method of analysis of legislative and non- legislative texts was used. Other documents examined were further relevant studies, publications and strategic texts. A method of synthesis was also used when the partial information gathered during the relevant meetings of Council formations, conferences and seminars was formed into a comprehensive text. Results: The result is a text that captures the development of EU sport policy priorities and offers specific recommendations for area of sports that derive from the acquired information and from analysis of EU funding schemes. Keywords: sports, funding, EU, Preparatory actions in the field of sport, sport policy, Lisbon Treaty, Erasmus+, Council, European Union, European Parliament

Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance ». / Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power.

Questa tesi di ricerca si occupa del ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali italiano, britannico e tedesco. Analizza il modo in cui questi parlamenti partecipano al processo decisionale ed implementano il diritto dell'Unione europea dopo il Trattato di Lisbona. La ricerca si concentra su un'analisi comparata delle leggi, delle procedure e consuetudini parlamentari al fine di esaminare il ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali nel contesto europeo. Il nuovo quadro giuridico previsto dal Trattato di Lisbona promuove la creazione di un sistema parlamentare integrato, basato sulle istituzioni europee e sui parlamenti nazionali cui è attribuito un ruolo più incisivo nel processo decisionale europeo, nella convinzione che un loro maggiore coinvolgimento possa contribuire a garantire un livello più efficace di democrazia nel funzionamento complessivo dell'Unione. I parlamenti nazionali possono contribuire a rendere l'U.E. più o meno efficiente. Essi sono chiamati a svolgere un ruolo rilevante nel processo legislativo europeo, in particolare nella fase di formazione delle politiche e del diritto dell’Unione europea (c.d. fase ascendente) e nel monitoraggio dell'esecuzione del principio di sussidiarietà. Il Trattato di Lisbona introduce norme di partecipazione diretta dei parlamenti nazionali nel processo legislativo europeo, trasformandoli in "guardians of subsidiarity". Il Trattato di Lisbona e i relativi Protocolli riconoscono il ruolo della cooperazione interparlamentare, affidando ai parlamenti nazionali il compito di promuovere e organizzare la sua realizzazione all'interno dell'Unione europea. In questa prospettiva le competenze delle commissioni specializzate in affari europei e della COSAC (Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union) sono ulteriormente potenziate. / This research thesis deals with the role of national parliaments in Italy, United Kingdom and Germany. It analyses the way in which these Parliaments participate in the European Union and implement the Law of the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon. The research focuses on a comparative analysis of parliamentary procedures, instruments, and practices in order to examine the respective roles of the European Institutions and the national parliaments within the European framework. The new legal framework laid down the Treaty of Lisbon encourages the creation of an integrated parliamentary system, based on the European Parliament and on the national parliaments which are assigned a more incisive role in the European decision-making process, in the belief that these innovations may contribute to guaranteeing a more effective level of democracy in the overall functioning of the Union. The national parliaments can contribute to making Europe more or less effective. They will be called on to play a more important role in the European law-making process, specifically in the pre-legislative dialogue with European institutions and particularly in the monitoring of the enforcement of the subsidiarity principle in European legislation proposals. The Treaty of Lisbon regulations introduce direct participation of national parliaments in the European law-making process, transforming them into the "guardians of subsidiarity". The Treaty of Lisbon and the related protocols recognise and encourage interparliamentary cooperation, entrusting national parliaments with the task of promoting and organising its achievement within the European Union. In this perspective, the competences of the Conference of Community and European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) are further enhanced. In this thesis, the reasons for overall inclusion of national parliaments in the European Union activities are analysed. The role of national parliaments in the EU according to the specific provisions of the EU treaties is also discussed and the largest part of the work is devoted to the ex ante subsidiarity principle control mechanism (the Early Warning System), which gives the right for the national parliaments to influence the EU legislative process.

The dissertation addresses mixed EU-Member States agreements with third parties. The first part of the dissertation unveils the legal basis of mixed agreements and their relation to the principle of conferred powers. The practices of their negotiation, conclusion and implementation, as well as the boundaries of the CJEU jurisdiction to interpret and apply them are addressed in the second and third part of the dissertation. The fourth part is devoted to the examination of particularities of international responsibility for breach of mixed agreements from the point of view of EU law. In the last two parts, the relevance of the duty of loyal cooperation to mixed agreements and future perspectives of these agreements in the context of the Lisbon Treaty are thoroughly assessed. It is concluded that the legal basis of mixed agreements is the principle of conferred powers. This principle affects all of their practice areas, but to a varying degree. The achievement of balance between this principle and the interests of integrity of mixed agreements is facilitated by the principle of loyal cooperation. The Lisbon Treaty establishes conditions for changes in the practice of mixed agreements and offers legal opportunities for their partial replacement with horizontal EU agreements combining elements of the CFSP and other EU policies. / Disertacijoje nagrinėjamas mišrių ES ir valstybių narių susitarimų su trečiosiomis šalimis institutas. Pirmajame disertacijos skyriuje atskleidžiami šio instituto teisiniai pagrindai ir jo santykis su ES kompetencijos suteikimo principu. Antrajame ir trečiajame skyriuose nagrinėjama mišrių susitarimų derybų, sudarymo ir dalyvavimo juose praktika, o taip pat ES Teisingumo Teismo jurisdikcijos juos aiškinti ir taikyti ribos. Ketvirtajame skyriuje ES teisės požiūriu nagrinėjami tarptautinės atsakomybės už mišrių susitarimų pažeidimą ypatumai. Penktajame skyriuje analizuojama ES lojalaus bendradarbiavimo principo ir iš jo kylančios bendradarbiavimo pareigos reikšmė mišrių susitarimų institutui. Paskutiniame šeštajame skyriuje dėmesys skiriamas šio instituto ateities perspektyvoms Lisabonos sutarties kontekste. Konstatuojama, jog mišrių susitarimų teisinis pagrindas yra ES kompetencijos suteikimo principas. Šis principas pasireiškia visose mišrių susitarimų praktikos srityse, tačiau nevienodai. Balansą tarp šio principo ir mišrių susitarimų integralumo interesų padeda užtikrinti lojalaus bendradarbiavimo pareiga, taikoma mišrios kompetencijos srityse. Galiausiai nustatoma, jog Lisabonos sutartis sukuria sąlygas pokyčiams mišrių susitarimų praktikoje, o taip pat teisines galimybes dalį mišrių susitarimų keisti horizontalaus pobūdžio ES susitarimais, apjungiančiais Bendrosios užsienio ir saugumo politikos ir kitų ES politikos sričių elementus.