This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one.

An emerging literature on rebel groups’ restraint in the use of sexual violence has begun to explore the role of the commander. This study seeks to build on this literature by investigating under what conditions rebel commanders will enforce restraint. I argue that perpetrating sexual violence against civilian communities to which a rebel group has ethnic ties is highly costly for the rebel commander. Thus, commanders will strive to enforce restraint in the use of sexual violence against co-ethnic civilians. However, their ability to enforce restraint, I argue, hinges on the authority and influence they have over their combatants. Hence, I hypothesize that rebel groups with strong commanders are more likely to enforce restraint toward co-ethnic civilians. This argument is examined through unique spatial data on the geographic patterns of rebel sexual violence combined with spatial data on rebel groups’ co-ethnic civilian populations in Africa 1989-2009. Regression analysis finds that rebel groups with strong commanders and ethnic ties are less likely to perpetrate sexual violence against co-ethnics, yet also that groups with weak commanders are more likely to victimize co-ethnics.

Recent research has recognised the complexity of fragmented conflicts; however, debate exists regarding when and how fragmentation hinders peace processes. This study addresses this lacuna, by investigating the conditions under which fragmentation affects the likelihood of a peace agreement. Advancing Cunningham’s (2011) veto-player framework with insights from political parties’ literature, creating a novel causal mechanism, I argue that two conditions affect how fragmentation influences the likelihood of a peace agreement: veto players and outbidding. As veto players can ‘veto’ a peace agreement, a reduction in their number increases the likelihood of a settlement. Where fragmentation increases veto-players, I hypothesise that whether a peace agreement is likely or not, depends on the level of preference divergence, which is dependent on their engagement in outbidding. The hypotheses are tested through a qualitative structured-focused comparison approach, examining the cases of the Philippines (1990-1996), Uganda (1986-1988), Ethiopia (1973-1983), and Afghanistan (1980-1990). Overall, this thesis finds mixed support. Limited support is found for the hypotheses, with half of the cases concurring with expectations. However, the cases also reveal significant support for the mechanisms, although with qualifications, suggesting further refinement is required.

As there seem to be a relationship between child soldiering and increased fighting capacity, there appears to be logical advantages of using child soldiers. However, research suggest that children ought to be inferior soldiers than adults. This pinpoints the need for clarifications regarding what disadvantages are associated with the benefits of using child soldiers. As child soldiering has mainly been investigated out of a perspective of systemic influences, there is a need to better understand the recruitment decision side; why rebel leaders prefer to recruit children. While the quantitative research on civil conflicts has tried to identify what ingredients that make conflict severe, the presence of child soldiers has been suggested to be, perhaps not such an ingredient, but at least an exacerbating one. By conducting a quantitative analysis of data on civil conflicts between 1989 and 2010, this study asks how the use of child soldiers affects the severity of the conflict, in terms of rebel losses. As the hypothesis suggests that rebel groups that are using child soldiers have a higher number of rebel losses, the results of this study indicate that the hypothesis is supported. Based on the results of this study, it can be argued that there are costs associated with the benefits of increased fighting capacity, and that these costs are high, when measured in rebel losses.

This thesis seeks to contribute to the literature exploring the prospects and obstacles to peace processes. The case study is based on the failed peace process between the Republic of Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) during 2009-2015. It offers a conceptual analysis of the changes in interests, attitudes and relationships that led to the emergence of a peace process but also which influenced its collapse. In doing so, the study draws from conflict resolution theories to analyse the case using the five transformers framework: context transformation, structural transformation, actor transformation, issue transformation, and personal and group transformation (Ramsbotham et al. 2005; 2016). The study found that the conflict became tractable not through external interventions or hurting stalemates as classical theories would hold, but through powerful intellectual leadership that moved beyond strict nationalist imaginaries to adopt different post-nationalist frameworks that emphasised solving the Kurdish question non-violently. Little is known about this type of endogenous peace process in the literature. Likewise, the study also found that, contrary to conventional wisdom on hurting stalemates, talks failed when parties reached near power parity following large and rapid shifts in the distribution of power in the region due to war in Syria and Iraq. A substantially empowered PKK emerged, causing great Turkish fears and uncertainty about implications to status quo, as well as PKK overconfidence and disinterest in settlement. Adversaries resumed war in order to weaken each other and gain more from future concessions.

Forced recruitment has been found to retain members longer than voluntary recruitment. This raises a puzzle, both as coercion is costly, but also for allegiance. In most settings, tactics are dynamic over the course of conflict. Yet, prior literature has assumed these as static. Allegiance is further highlighted in prior research as key to success in forced rebel recruitment, but has rarely been measured as an outcome. This thesis seeks to contribute to these gaps in a twofold way, by theorising that a combination of physical and psychological coercive tactics in forced rebel recruitment affect the level of allegiance across rebel groups. The examined rebel groups are Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda (LRA) and Mozambique’s National Resistance (RENAMO) in Mozambique. This is conducted by a qualitative, small-N study with a comparative case study method. The theory and hypothesis found some support in the empirical findings even though some discrepancies were identified. In general, a high and intense combination of physical and psychological coercive tactics were found to cause high levels of allegiance in LRA, whereas a lower and less intense combination were found to cause moderate levels of allegiance in RENAMO. Both relationships were reinforced by causal mechanisms of social identification.

Bakgrund: Den psykiska ohälsan ökar och den vuxenpsykiatriska heldygnsvården har stor press på sig, både utifrån personalbrist, ökat behov och efterfrågan av personcentrerad vård samt med ett ansvar att behandla och möta ett brett spektrum av komplicerade psykiatriska diagnoser och tillstånd. Sjuksköterskor inom psykiatrisk vård besitter ofta stor kunskap och erfarenhet och kan bidra till att stärka vården men får inte alltid utrymme att kliva fram och ta det ansvar som professionen representerar. Rebellsjuksköterskor kan genom sitt driv, patientfokuserade och ledande egenskaper bana väg för andra sjuksköterskor att våga kliva fram och ta sitt professionella ansvar, samt bidra till en positiv utveckling av en säker, personcentrerad vård. Denna studie vill öka kunskapen kring erfarenheter av rebelledarskap för att skapa större förståelse för hur detta kan främjas och användas för att bidra till utvecklingen av vården. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att beskriva sjuksköterskors erfarenheter av rebelledarskap i vuxenpsykiatrisk heldygnsvård. Metod: Studien har genomförts med deskriptiv design och kvalitativ ansats. Datainsamlingen har skett genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med åtta sjuksköterskor med erfarenhet av rebelledarskap inom vuxenpsykiatrisk heldygnsvård i Sverige och har analyserats med en induktiv, kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultat: Analysen mynnade ut i tre huvudkategorier: att rebelledarskap kan vara en ensam resa på en väg kantad av utmaningar, att rebelledarskap kan driva verksamheten framåt och stärka en personcentrerad vård, samt att rebelledarskap är en inre drivkraft som utgår från profession och kompetens. Slutsats: Genom sitt driv att förbättra vården och hitta mer individanpassade lösningar utifrån patientens unika omvårdnadsbehov kan rebellsjuksköterskan utgöra en viktig resurs för utvecklandet av en mer personcentrerad psykiatrisk heldygnsvård. Mer forskning behövs för att klargöra hur rebellsjuksköterskans insatser påverkar patienternas återhämtning, samt för att potentiellt kunna bidra till en tydligare arbetsbeskrivning för sjuksköterskor inom vuxenpsykiatrisk heldygnsvård.

Compte tenu de l'importance de l'antinomie esclavage/liberté dans la pensée des Grecs et des Romains à l'époque classique, la participation de quelques hommes libres aux mouvements dirigés par des esclaves révoltés renvoie à un problème complexe. Les esclaves-marchandises, définis comme « choses », étaient représentés comme des étrangers, comme les « autres » contre lesquels tous les citoyens (autant les riches propriétaires d'esclaves que les pauvres paysans et artisans) se sont définis eux-mêmes comme unité. La dichotomie esclave/citoyen servait à nuancer d'un point de vue idéologique les rapports d'exploitation et les différences de richesse entre les citoyens. Malgré les différences juridiques, politiques, idéologiques et sociales qui séparaient les hommes libres des esclaves, les sources narratives nous disent que certains hommes libres n'ont pas réprimé les esclaves rebelles comme ils auraient dû le faire en solidarité avec les riches, mais ont participé, au contraire, au pillage des biens de ces derniers ou se sont joints aux esclaves dans les révoltes. Dans ce travail nous étudions la participation de quelques hommes libres et pauvres (aporoi) aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés, problématique parfois négligée par l'historiographie. Face au courant historiographique qui néglige la participation des libres et celui qui la surestime, nous revalorisons une ligne de recherche qui atteste le caractère servile des insurrections (puisqu'il semble que le rôle principal de ces révoltes ait été tenu par les esclaves, tant du point de vue qualitatif que quantitatif) en affirmant parallèlement que la participation des hommes libres en fut un élément important. Nous croyons que cette lecture est la plus fidèle aux témoignages de nos sources et que nous apportons quelques éléments pour la repenser en abordant son étude dans le cadre de l'imaginaire démocratique classique qui tendait à encourager la solidarité citoyenne face à la menace servile, en analysant chaque révolte séparément afin d'évaluer la relation établie entre les couches inférieures de la société et en dégageant la participation des aporoi par leur révolte parallèle ou par leur intégration dans les rangs rebelles comme des symptômes des fortes tensions civiles à l'intérieur du corps citoyen que nous définissons en termes de staseis (discordes civiles) dont les révoltes serviles se sont nourries. C'est pourquoi nous croyons que la participation des aporoi fut au moins un facteur parmi d'autres favorisant les insurrections serviles. Dans le cas de la première guerre sicilienne et dans celui de la guerre des gladiateurs, nous soutenons l'idée de l'existence d'une alliance conjoncturelle entre les esclaves révoltés et les aporoi. En revanche, dans le cas de la seconde guerre servile, nous défendons l'interprétation selon laquelle les libres pauvres ont profité de l'occasion pour piller les propriétés des riches. Notre analyse vise à nuancer les visions théoriques les plus inflexibles qui en fonction de l'importance des barrières juridiques et idéologiques entre les hommes libres et les esclaves affirment l'absolue incommunicabilité entre les deux groupes. Il y eu des exceptions, comme par exemple dans les guerres serviles où un secteur des masses plébéiennes et libres a ignoré les constructions idéologiques qui représentaient les esclaves comme leur strict contraire. / The participation of free men in the movements led by rebellious slaves sets a complex problem in terms of the importance of the freedom/slavery antinomy in the thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The chattel-slaves, defined as things, were represented as foreigners. The slaves served as the ‘Others’ against which all citizens, from the rich slave owners to the poor artisans and peasants, defined themselves as a unity. The contrast between the slave and the citizen made it possible to shade, from an ideological point of view, the relations of exploitation and the differences of wealth between the citizens. This tended to suppress the social conflict between them. Despite the significant legal and political differences between the free and the enslaved, and the ideological representation that was made of it, the sources narrate that some free men not only did not repress the rebel slaves in the great servile revolts, in solidarity with their rich fellow citizens, but they plundered these last ones or joined the fugitives. In the present work, we study the participation of impoverished free men (aporoi) in the late-republican servile wars and the relationship they established with the rebel slaves, a problem that has sometimes been neglected by the historiography or only partially treated. Some historiographical currents neglected the participation of the aporoi in the servile wars, and others overestimate it. In opposition, we revalue a line of investigation that, on the one hand, maintains the servile nature of the insurrections, since, the main role was apparently of the rebel slaves, but on the other hand affirms that the participation of free men was an important element. We believe that this point of view is the most appropriate for the testimonies of the sources and we contribute elements to rethink it. Those elements include: to focus the study within the framework of the classic democratic imaginary that will tend to promote the citizen solidarity facing the servile threat; to analyse each revolt individually to evaluate the relationship between the subaltern sectors; and understand the participation of the aporoi, either its parallel rebellion or its inflow to the rebel ranks, as the symptom of tensions within the citizen body that can be defined in terms of stáseis (civil discords), of which the servile revolts nurtured from the beginning. Therefore, the participation of the aporoi is a factor, among others, that helped the growth of the servile revolts. In the case of the first Sicilian revoit and the revoit of Spartacus, we maintain the existence of a conjunctural alliance between the rebellious slaves and the aporoi .In contrast, in the second Sicilian revoit, we defend the interpretative line that supports the idea that there was no relationship between the two groups, but rather two parallel revolts: the free poor simply took advantage of the opportunity in the servile revoit to plunder the properties of the rich. Our work attempts to nuance the most rigid theoretical views that affirm the absolute incommunicability between plebeians and slaves. There were occasions, albeit unusual, where the abyss that separated the free man from the slave did not seem to be so great, at least not to the aporoi, who ignored the imaginary that pitted them against the dishonored social dead. The servile wars were one of those cases.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jefferson Alves de Barcellos.pdf: 10947803 bytes, checksum: 8d6bc7f78b1e77886390d9d5f1b68546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-26 / The Social Sciences dedicate attention on studying the youth as a new bias on the construction of identities (Hall, 1999) in different formats and as a continuous process that occurs at a daily manner. The present work tends to understand and punctuate specific points on the modification of musical genders on a historical and bibliographic way, with a profound study of the new musicality and its insertion on the youth universe. The first musical chords of the American black music were considered, such as its influences, at a first moment identifying the artists that dedicated their work to this new musical possibility and at a second moment, to the new visual possibilities that were presented during the route of this change. The present work takes on a photographic bias to identify and punctuate the different musical style modifications, following, at a first glance, the changes at the North American scenario and secondly, on the English ground. On this second moment, this dissertation points out the changes occurred on musical aspects and through the analyses of images and photography of the 60´s, showing later that at a punctual way these changes occurred simultaneously at the USA and England, culminating on the consolidation of a new musical and visual style, which was called the Punk Culture. Considering the music and photography as a basis for a permanent dialogue, an ethnographic research was conducted at the city of Ribeirão Preto, considering the musical scenario at the 90´s and the actuation of the present researcher on the punk music movement of the city. This work of investigation and identification also traces a comparison with the present day and identifies a visual and musical scenario with the influence of the punk movement on the city at the present day (2007) / As Ciências Sociais dedicam-se cada dia mais com o estudo da juventude como um novo viés para a construção de identidades (HALL, 1999). Essas identificações têm vários formatos e acontecem de maneira cotidiana das maneiras mais distintas. Esse trabalho visa, através de um mapeamento histórico e bibliográfico, entender e pontuar alguns pontos específicos de mudanças de gêneros musicais. Para tanto, se valeu de um estudo profundo de novas musicalidades e sua profunda inserção no universo juvenil. Partindo do levantamento dos primeiros acordes musicais, que fizeram da música negra americana, no início do século vinte, o começo para o grande destaque que o rock têm nos dias atuais, incluindo suas maneiras e influências, chegou-se ao punk moderno, representante direto da rebeldia juvenil. Num primeiro momento, a dissertação preocupo-se em identificar os artistas que se dedicavam a essa nova possibilidade sonora; posteriormente, verificou-se as novas possibilidades visuais que se apresentam na trajetória dessa mudança. O trabalho aproveita de um viés fotográfico para identificar e pontuar as mudanças de fase, percorrendo das mudanças sociais em solo norte-americano, para o surgimento de um novo modo de fazer música em terras Inglesas. Neste segundo momento, essa dissertação aponta as mudanças ocorridas nos aspectos musicais, colocados através das músicas e de análises fotográficas na década de 1960, já simultaneamente nos Estados Unidos e Inglaterra para, depois, de maneira pontual, identificar e pontuar a consolidação de uma cena musical comum e emergente nos dois países. É o que veio a consolidar-se como estética Punk, contemplando música e visual. Tendo o trabalho todo como base a música e a fotografia, criando com isso um diálogo permanente, foi realizada uma pesquisa etnográfica na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, tendo como base os anos 1990 e a atuação do pesquisador no movimento Punk da cidade. O trabalho de investigação e identificação traça uma comparação com os dias atuais, identificando também uma cena visual e musical com influências da música e do visual Punk na cidade nos dias atuais (2007) encerrando, com isso, a análise desse trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jefferson Alves de Barcellos.pdf: 10947803 bytes, checksum: 8d6bc7f78b1e77886390d9d5f1b68546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-26 / The Social Sciences dedicate attention on studying the youth as a new bias on the construction of identities (Hall, 1999) in different formats and as a continuous process that occurs at a daily manner. The present work tends to understand and punctuate specific points on the modification of musical genders on a historical and bibliographic way, with a profound study of the new musicality and its insertion on the youth universe. The first musical chords of the American black music were considered, such as its influences, at a first moment identifying the artists that dedicated their work to this new musical possibility and at a second moment, to the new visual possibilities that were presented during the route of this change. The present work takes on a photographic bias to identify and punctuate the different musical style modifications, following, at a first glance, the changes at the North American scenario and secondly, on the English ground. On this second moment, this dissertation points out the changes occurred on musical aspects and through the analyses of images and photography of the 60´s, showing later that at a punctual way these changes occurred simultaneously at the USA and England, culminating on the consolidation of a new musical and visual style, which was called the Punk Culture. Considering the music and photography as a basis for a permanent dialogue, an ethnographic research was conducted at the city of Ribeirão Preto, considering the musical scenario at the 90´s and the actuation of the present researcher on the punk music movement of the city. This work of investigation and identification also traces a comparison with the present day and identifies a visual and musical scenario with the influence of the punk movement on the city at the present day (2007) / As Ciências Sociais dedicam-se cada dia mais com o estudo da juventude como um novo viés para a construção de identidades (HALL, 1999). Essas identificações têm vários formatos e acontecem de maneira cotidiana das maneiras mais distintas. Esse trabalho visa, através de um mapeamento histórico e bibliográfico, entender e pontuar alguns pontos específicos de mudanças de gêneros musicais. Para tanto, se valeu de um estudo profundo de novas musicalidades e sua profunda inserção no universo juvenil. Partindo do levantamento dos primeiros acordes musicais, que fizeram da música negra americana, no início do século vinte, o começo para o grande destaque que o rock têm nos dias atuais, incluindo suas maneiras e influências, chegou-se ao punk moderno, representante direto da rebeldia juvenil. Num primeiro momento, a dissertação preocupo-se em identificar os artistas que se dedicavam a essa nova possibilidade sonora; posteriormente, verificou-se as novas possibilidades visuais que se apresentam na trajetória dessa mudança. O trabalho aproveita de um viés fotográfico para identificar e pontuar as mudanças de fase, percorrendo das mudanças sociais em solo norte-americano, para o surgimento de um novo modo de fazer música em terras Inglesas. Neste segundo momento, essa dissertação aponta as mudanças ocorridas nos aspectos musicais, colocados através das músicas e de análises fotográficas na década de 1960, já simultaneamente nos Estados Unidos e Inglaterra para, depois, de maneira pontual, identificar e pontuar a consolidação de uma cena musical comum e emergente nos dois países. É o que veio a consolidar-se como estética Punk, contemplando música e visual. Tendo o trabalho todo como base a música e a fotografia, criando com isso um diálogo permanente, foi realizada uma pesquisa etnográfica na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, tendo como base os anos 1990 e a atuação do pesquisador no movimento Punk da cidade. O trabalho de investigação e identificação traça uma comparação com os dias atuais, identificando também uma cena visual e musical com influências da música e do visual Punk na cidade nos dias atuais (2007) encerrando, com isso, a análise desse trabalho