農業是人類最基本的經濟活動。儘管隨著科技及社會的發達，農業在一國的總產值或就業人口所佔比例逐漸降低，然而在國際貿易的舞台上，農業貿易的重要性卻不減反增。世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, 簡稱WTO）之杜哈發展議程（Doha Development Round, DDA）曾一度中止的原因即為各國之間對於農業貿易存在極大的分歧，尤其歐洲聯盟（European Union，簡稱歐盟） 的「共同農業政策」（Common Agricultural Policy,簡稱CAP）更是備受爭議。歐盟共同農業政策係指歐盟為其農業發展所實施包括農產品價格支持、最低保證收購價格、對歐盟境外產品實施關稅及配額等相關補貼制度。「共同農業政策」所以深具爭議，主要在於其對農業有補貼或境內支持政策造成對貿易不公與市場扭曲現象，尤其以農產品出口為大宗的發展中國家受害最深。因此，在多次談判回合中，歐盟共同農業政策常常為其他WTO會員國所詬病。在WTO逐漸成為各國無法忽視的規範力量，以及各國與歐盟的農產品貿易爭端層出不窮之下，歐盟行之有年的「共同農業政策」面臨重大調整。 / Agriculture is the basic economic activities of human beings. Though the relative size of agricultural sector has been declining as the society and technology develop, the importance of agriculture in the international trade is still growing. The Doha Development Round of the World Trade Organization had once suspended because of agriculture negotiations, on which WTO member countries could not reach agreements. Among them, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union is the most controversial. The Common Agricultural Policy combines a direct subsidy payment for crops and land which may be cultivated with price support mechanisms, including guaranteed minimum prices, import tariffs and quotas on certain goods from outside the EU. The reason why CAP is so controversial is for its high amounts on agricultural subsidies and domestic support, which amount to unfair competition and market distortion. In this regards, CAP damaged the interests of agricultural exporting country, especial those developing countries. Thus CAP had always been criticized by other WTO members in the WTO agriculture negotiation. Since WTO has become the dominant regime of international trade, and there are more and more agricultural disputes arising between EU and other WTO members, EU has to undertake substantial reform on CAP.

<p>The purpose of this research is to examine the impact of liberalisation of trade in services on African LDCs by highlighting the importance of services trade through Mode 4 (temporary movement of natural persons).37 The paper will examine the nature of liberalisation to this Mode under the existing GATS framework, critically analyse the constraints on engaging in negotiations, specifically the national barriers that are hindering this movement, and make suggestions on ways of improving the nature of commitments on movement of natural persons in terms of Mode 4 to favour LDCs as laid down in Article VI of the GATS.</p>

<p>The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communaut&eacute / Economique et Mon&eacute / taire de l&rsquo / Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.</p>

<p>The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed</p>

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of London, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-294) and index.

Le but de la recherche est d'identifier la stratégie de l'Union européenne dans le cadre du règlement des différends à l'OMC et de déterminer le rôle que jouent les différends commerciaux internationaux au niveau interne communautaire. La spécificité de la participation de l'UE par rapport aux autres Etats membres de l'OMC et les raisons de sa participation sont étudiées plus particulièrement dans le cadre d'une réflexion sur la manière dont les litiges internationaux s'inscrivent dans sa politique externe. Nous analysons en outre l'apport des litiges de l'Union européenne dans le développement du droit international. Le travail est articulé autour de deux axes qui contribuent à l'étude de la cohérence de la stratégie de l'UE au sein de l'ORD. Les politiques de l'Union européenne sont fréquemment mises en cause devant l'Organe de règlement des différends de l'OMC. L'UE utilise les litiges commerciaux internationaux comme un instrument de sa politique commercial, notamment dans le but de promouvoir à l'international ses valeurs non-commerciales et les intérêts primordiaux, ainsi que pour défendre son acquis historique selon les lignes directrices de ses politiques. Ces ambitions de l'Union expliquent la particularité de ses litiges commerciaux internationaux. La première partie analyse la nature spécifique des litiges commerciaux internationaux de l'UE et vise à répondre à la question de savoir par quels moyens l'UE essaye d'imposer son expérience de libéralisation des échanges au niveau international (Partie I). Dans la seconde partie nous procédons à l'analyse du choix des modalités de règlement de différends par l'Union en fonction de différents critères. Ainsi, le mode de règlement d'un différend dépend des parties impliquées dans le conflit et des enjeux en cause. En outre, nous examinons si les conditions institutionnelles de sa participation au règlement des différends commerciaux et les mécanismes spéciaux de la PCC existant au sein de l'UE sont compatibles avec les exigences du droit de l'OMC, et s'ils sont par conséquent « rentables » pour la défense efficace des intérêts de l'UE tant commerciaux que non commerciaux (Partie II). / The main purpose of the research is to identify the European Union's strategy in the Dispute Settlement Body of the WTO and to determine the role that international trade disputes play on the European level. Particularly, the EU participation specificity, compared to other Members of the WTO and the reasons for its involvement, are examined in the frame of an analysis on the manner in which international disputes inscribe into its external policy. We also analyze the EU disputes contribution to the development of international law. The research articulates around two main parts which contribute to the study of coherence of the EU strategy in the DSB. EU policies are frequently attacked in front of the DSB. The EU uses recourse to international trade disputes as an instrument to promote to the international level its non trade values and essential interests and to defend its historical acquis according to main directions of its policies. These EU ambitions explain the specificity of its international trade disputes. The first part of the research analyses the particular nature of international trade disputes of the EU and intends to answer the question to know by what means the EU tries to impose its own experience of trade liberalization onto international level (Part I). In the second part we are analyzing the EU choice of modes of dispute settlement depending on different criteria. So, the dispute settlement means depends on the parties to the conflict and the stakes of the dispute. We also examine if institutional conditions for its participation to settlement of international trade disputes and special mechanisms of Common Commercial Policy existing in the EU are compliant with WTO law requirements, and if they are consequently profitable for efficient defense of the EU trade and non trade interests (Part II).

<p>The purpose of this research is to examine the impact of liberalisation of trade in services on African LDCs by highlighting the importance of services trade through Mode 4 (temporary movement of natural persons).37 The paper will examine the nature of liberalisation to this Mode under the existing GATS framework, critically analyse the constraints on engaging in negotiations, specifically the national barriers that are hindering this movement, and make suggestions on ways of improving the nature of commitments on movement of natural persons in terms of Mode 4 to favour LDCs as laid down in Article VI of the GATS.</p>

<p>The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communaut&eacute / Economique et Mon&eacute / taire de l&rsquo / Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.</p>

<p>The rapid growth in the number of regional trade agreements (RTAs) has led to concern about the weakening of the multilateral trading system. This thesis examines the spread of such agreement and the extent to which they pose a threat to the multilateral system. Regionalism and multilateralism are complimentary as shown in the case study of the East African Community. The current regional trade agreement management rules are weak and ambiguous and possible amendments for these rules are proposed</p>