As discussões sobre as relações entre o Acordo TRIPS e a Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica (CDB) encontram-se na agenda internacional desde a realização da IV Conferência Ministerial da Organização Mundial do Comércio, ocorrida em novembro de 2001, em Doha no Catar. Apesar da considerável atenção que o tema tem recebido nos fóruns internacionais, o debate sobre o tratamento adequado da questão persiste sem solução. A presente tese apresenta uma abrangente análise das conexões que existem entre a proteção dos direitos de propriedade intelectual e a conservação da diversidade biológica. Além disso, a partir de uma análise de conceitos de propriedade intelectual como patentes, indicações geográficas, transferência de tecnologia e propriedade comunitária de conhecimentos tradicionais, destacam-se elementos necessários para o uso sustentável e conservação dos recursos biológicos. / The goal of establishing a positive relationship between the TRIPS Agreement and the Convention on Biological Diversity has been on the international agenda since the fourth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO), in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001. Despite a considerable amount of attention in the international forums, the debate about the appropriate parameter of this relationship persists without resolution. This thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the protection of intellectual property rights and the conservation of biological diversity. Furthermore, that upon analysis of concepts of intellectual property such as patents, geographical indications, technology transfer and communal property over traditional knowledge, issues are identified to support the conservation and sustainable use of the biological resources.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-09T16:58:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alexandre Magno Ramos Paiva.pdf: 27097259 bytes, checksum: c17ac76e53190fc3febe2762267bee8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T16:58:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alexandre Magno Ramos Paiva.pdf: 27097259 bytes, checksum: c17ac76e53190fc3febe2762267bee8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-16 / CAPES / After the Cold War, Brazil and United States started a new phase concerning the international commerce, in which Brazil established itself as a global trader, competing with the US products in the world market, mainly in respect to the commodities sector. Cotton, an important raw-material, makes part of in this scenario, and it was the reason for the greatest contend involving the two countries. The process by which Brazil contests the American subsidies toward their local producers dates back to 2002 and had a favorable outcome to the Latin- American country in 2005, when the World Trade Organization recognized the damaging effects resulting from the American practices in the world market of this product. Afterwards, there was a retaliation plead from Brazil and its subsequent authorization, being permitted to cross-retaliate, by which Brazil could break copyrights, for instance, in its compensating efforts. The two countries, ever since, keep a dialogue agenda about the best solution to the case, with a frame-work signed in 2010. The research aims to comprehend how this contentious trespassed the limits of the countries involved, bringing about some sort of international appeal and collaborating for the Brazilian insertion in the World as a global player. The first chapter deals with the reformulation of the domestic scenario, putting the Brazilian State closer to its internal productive sectors, as well as the changings occurred in the international commerce. In the second chapter, there's en explanation about the rules which involves the OMC disputes and how the case between Brazil and USA was conducted, with special highlight for the cotton contentious. Finally, in the last chapter, it is given a major emphasis in the external scenario and how it swayed the decisions of the two contenders for achieving the up-to-date result. The Brazilian victory in the cotton dispute reveals a greater Brazilian protagonist role in the developing world and the rising of its power in the commercial debates. / Com o final da Guerra Fria, Brasil e Estados Unidos entram numa nova fase em termos de comércio internacional, na qual o Brasil se estabelece como um global trader e passa a concorrer com os produtos norte-americanos no mercado mundial, principalmente no que diz respeito ao setor de commodities. O algodão, importante matéria-prima, se insere nesse novo cenário, e foi motivo da maior contenda envolvendo esses dois países. O processo pelo qual o Brasil contestava os subsídios concedidos pelos norte-americanos aos seus produtores locais data de 2002 e ganhou um desfecho favorável ao país sul-americano em 2005, quando a Organização Mundial do Comércio reconheceu o efeito funesto resultante das práticas norte-americanas no mercado internacional desse produto. Posteriormente, houve o pedido de retaliação por parte do Brasil e sua consequente autorização, sendo-a permitida sob a forma cruzada, ou seja, podendo envolver quebras de patentes, por exemplo, nos seus esforços de ressarcimento. Os dois países, desde então, vêm mantendo uma agenda de diálogo acerca da melhor maneira de solucionar esse contencioso, havendo um acordo sido assinado em 2010. A pesquisa visa compreender como essa contenda ultrapassou os limites dos países envolvidos, ganhando apelo internacional e contribuindo para a inserção do Brasil no mundo como um global player. O primeiro capítulo trata da reforma no cenário doméstico, aproximando o Estado brasileiro dos setores produtivos locais, bem como as mudanças ocorridas no comércio internacional. No segundo capítulo, há uma explanação sobre as regras que circunscrevem as disputas na OMC e como o caso entre Brasil e Estados Unidos foi conduzido, com especial ênfase para o contencioso do algodão. Por fim, no último, dá-se um destaque maior ao cenário externo e como ele influenciou as decisões dos dois contendores para que se chegasse ao desfecho atual. A vitória obtida pelo Brasil no contencioso do algodão aponta para um maior protagonismo brasileiro no mundo em desenvolvimento e um aumento do seu poder nos debates sobre comércio internacional.

A comunidade internacional tem se convencido sobre a seriedade da mudança climática e a necessidade de respostas urgentes para combatê-la. No entanto, a ausência de um regime universal com metas para os principais poluidores faz com que cada país adote ações individuais de maneira descoordenada. Esse descompasso levanta preocupações sobre possíveis impactos para a competitividade e a eficácia dos esforços dos países com políticas climáticas mais ambiciosas. Com o escopo de neutralizar tais ameaças, desponta a alternativa de adoção de ajustes de carbono na fronteira para equalizar os encargos ambientais entre a indústria doméstica e as importações. Nesse contexto, a presente tese defende a criação de disciplinas internacionais para orientar o uso de ajustes de carbono em sintonia com os valores do livre comércio e da preservação do clima. Recomenda-se que as negociações internacionais sejam lideradas pelas Nações Unidas, na moldura do regime climático, porém, em estreito diálogo e cooperação com a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A partir da análise de possíveis cenários, o trabalho expressa preferência por disciplinas multilaterais. Reconhece-se, contudo, méritos em arranjos intermediários, como os instrumentos setoriais. Por fim, indica-se um roteiro sobre os principais aspectos da aplicação dos ajustes de carbono que mereceriam apreciação em plano internacional. / The international community has acknowledged the need for urgent responses to address climate change. However, in the absence of a global agreement setting binding targets for all major polluters, countries pursue individual actions in an uncoordinated fashion. Such a situation raises concerns on competitiveness impacts and on the environmental effectiveness of climate policies of most countries, especially those leading the way. As a solution to level the playing field vis-à-vis international competitors, countries evaluate the use of border carbon adjustments. Against this background, this analysis supports the design of international disciplines to guide the use of border carbon adjustments in line with the goals of free trade and climate protection. It argues that the United Nations should lead those negotiations in the framework of the climate regime, in close dialogue and cooperation with the World Trade Organization (WTO). Based on an analysis of multiple scenarios, this essay favours the adoption of multilateral disciplines. It recognizes, however, advantages in alternative approaches such as sectorial agreements. Finally, it proposes a roadmap on key aspects concerning the use of border carbon adjustments that merit consideration in the international arena.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T11:18:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-01 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / This study aims to investigate the main aspects of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), created by the European Community in 1962 to ensure the agricultural self-sufficiency of the trade bloc and to maintain the level of income of European farmers, by the implementation of a policy of support for the regional production and internal market protection. This research is intended to analyze how the policy is structured and what are the real consequences of it for the economy of developing countries, based on the assumption that the protectionist measures and subsidies result in great damage to international trade, especially for poor countries, which rely mainly on agricultural exports to sustain their economies. In this context, a critical analysis will be made about the way the CAP remains in the context of agricultural trade liberalization that is defended in the World Trade Organization (WTO), based on multilateral agreements and negotiations currently in progress. In addition, the analysis will consider the concept of multifunctionality of agriculture, which appears as a justification for maintaining the CAP, and the relation between international trade and the right to development. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar os principais aspectos da Política Agrícola Comum (PAC), criada pela Comunidade Europeia em 1962, visando garantir a autossuficiência agrícola do bloco econômico e a manutenção do nível de renda dos produtores rurais europeus, a partir da implementação de uma política de apoio à produção regional e de proteção do mercado interno. Tal pesquisa tem como intuito analisar como essa política se estruturou e quais são as reais consequências dela para a economia dos países em desenvolvimento, partindo-se da hipótese de que as medidas protecionistas e os subsídios resultam em grandes prejuízos ao comércio internacional, principalmente para os países mais pobres, que dependem basicamente das exportações agrícolas para sustentar suas economias. Diante desse contexto, será feita uma análise crítica acerca da maneira como a PAC se insere no contexto de liberalização comercial dos produtos agrícolas, defendido dentro da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), com base nos acordos multilaterais existentes e nas negociações em andamento atualmente. Além disso, a análise levará em consideração o conceito da multifuncionalidade da agricultura, que surge como justificativa para manutenção da PAC, bem como a relação entre o comércio internacional e o direito ao desenvolvimento.

O presente trabalho busca analisar a evolução da discussão dogmática sobre a relação entre direito interno e direito internacional na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A pesquisa dedica especial atenção a três casos específicos, julgados entre 2008 e 2010, que são representativos de uma nova fase no entendimento corte, em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal tratou de uma série de questões inéditas na sua jurisprudência. São eles a decisão, em 2008, sobre a prisão civil do depositário infiel, proibida pela Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos; a ADPF no 101, de 2009, sobre a importação de pneus usados e remoldados, cuja regulamentação também foi objeto de decisões no âmbito do Mercosul e da OMC; e a ADPF no 153, de 2010, que discutiu a Lei da Anistia, também tratada na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Mapeando as discussões dogmáticas nesses casos, busca-se identificar as implicações dos tratados internacionais e das decisões de tribunais internacionais para o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, bem como as contradições e omissões de tais decisões. A análise do desenvolvimento da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal considera as transformações ocorridas no direito internacional a partir do final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e as mudanças incorporadas às constituições brasileiras, e em especial a Constituição de 1988 e a sua Emenda no 45, de 2004. / This study seeks to analyze the evolution of the dogmatic debate on the relationship between domestic and international law in the Brazilian Supreme Courts case law. The research devotes special attention to three specific cases, decided between 2008 and 2010, which are representative of a new phase in the courts understanding, in which the Supreme Court has dealt with completely new issues. These cases are the following: the decision in 2008 on the civil imprisonment of an unfaithful trustee, prohibited by the American Convention on Human Rights; ADPF No. 101, from of 2009, on the import of used tires, which had also been the subject of decisions within Mercosur and WTO; and ADPF No 153, from 2010, which discussed the Brazilian Amnesty Act, also addressed by the Interamerican Court of Human Rights. By mapping dogmatic discussions of these cases, I seek to identify the implications of international treaties and decisions of international tribunals for the Brazilian legal system, as well as the contradictions and omissions of such decisions. The analysis of the development of the Supreme Courts case law considers the transformation occurring in international law since the end of World War II and the changes incorporated into the Brazilian constitutions, and in particular the Constitution of 1988 and its Amendment No 45 of 2004.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:27:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Preto_CarolinaCristinaLoucao_M.pdf: 1117555 bytes, checksum: 0b22346e66296aff90611eee9900bb5d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / Abstract: The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.'s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.'s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.'s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S's interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued / Mestrado / Instituições, Processos e Atores / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACP. / The main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on.

The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions: Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO? Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO? How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO? The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.

Selon les théories classiques du pouvoir, les relations asymétriques favorisent généralement l’acteur le plus puissant en termes de ressources. Toutefois, la partie la plus puissante au niveau de la force et des ressources ne gagne pas toujours dans les négociations. Cela dépend de plusieurs facteurs et notamment des tactiques de négociation de la partie la plus faible. Notre thèse vise justement à analyser un certain nombre de stratégies de négociations que peuvent mener les parties les plus faibles pour obtenir des gains. Afin d’illustrer nos propos, nous avons choisi l’exemple donné par un certain nombre de pays en voie de développement (PVD) pour contester le brevet sur le vivant contenu dans l’Accord sur les aspects des droits de la propriété intellectuelle (ADPIC). Notre objectif a été de comprendre les principales stratégies qu’ils ont employées pour remettre en question cette norme et la rééquilibrer. Afin de réaliser ce travail, nous nous sommes servis du concept d’hégémonie de Gramsci et de cadre emprunté à la littérature des mouvements sociaux. Cela nous a permis de poser l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’Accord sur les ADPIC constitue une norme hégémonique qui avantage essentiellement quelques pays développés et des entreprises internationales. Cependant, cette domination se cache derrière un discours universel et positif visant à susciter une forte adhésion. Ainsi, dans un tel cas de figure, les PVD ne peuvent pas espérer la remettre en question sans un changement de perception. Il faut donc que les règles perçues comme justes et immuables soient cadrées comme injustes et mutables, pour que les pays décident de les contester. Nous avons alors testé cette hypothèse à travers une analyse de contenu du discours officiel des PVD à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. Ce travail nous a permis d’observer que le cadrage est un instrument important pour lutter contre l’hégémonie d’une norme. En effet, il offre la faculté de montrer que le brevet sur le vivant, loin de présenter que des avantages, est aussi une source de problèmes auxquels il faut apporter des solutions. Le cadre constitue aussi un bon moyen pour élaborer des propositions normatives alternatives. Toutefois, nous avons constaté que cette stratégie est insuffisante pour traduire les propositions des PVD en normes contraignantes. Afin d’obtenir certains changements normatifs, l’élaboration de coalitions s’avère particulièrement pertinente pour les PVD. De même, nous avons noté que les PVD qui demandent des changements normatifs quand la structure des opportunités politiques est ouverte ont plus de chance d’obtenir satisfaction de leurs revendications. La présente thèse nous offre ainsi un portrait général de stratégies de négociation et démontre que sous certaines conditions les parties les plus faibles peuvent obtenir certains gains dans une négociation asymétrique. / According to the classical theories of power, asymmetrical relations generally favor the most powerful actor in terms of resources. However, the most powerful in terms of strength and resources part does not always win in negotiations. This depends on several factors, including negotiation tactics of the weaker party. Our thesis aims to analyze different type of negotiation strategies that weaker parties can use to obtain some benefit. To illustrate this point, we chose the example set by a number of developing countries (DV) to challenge the patenting of life contained in the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Our goal was to understand the key strategies they have used to question this norm and rebalance it. To make this work, we used the concept of hegemony conceptualized by Gramsci and the concept of framework borrowed from the literature of social movements. This tool has allowed us to make the assumption that TRIPS is a hegemonic norm that mainly benefit to few developed countries and international companies. However, this domination is hidden by the norms thanks to universal and positive discourse which help to generate strong adhesion. Thus, in such a case, developing countries can’t expect to challenge this norm without a change of perception. It is therefore necessary that the rules perceived as fair and immutable are framed as unjust and mutable, so that countries decide to challenge it. We then tested this hypothesis through a content analysis of the DC’s official discourse at the World Trade Organization. This work has allowed us to observe that the framing is an important tool in the fight against the norm’s hegemony. Indeed, it offers the possibility to show that the patenting of life, far from presenting just a source of benefits, is also a source of problems that need solutions. The frame is also a good way to develop alternative normative propositions. However, we found that this strategy is insufficient to translate DC’s proposals into binding norms. In order to obtain changes in the agreement, building coalitions is particularly relevant for DC. Furthermore, we noted that DC which require regulatory changes when the structure of political opportunities is opened are more likely to obtain what they want. This thesis offers us a general picture of negotiations strategies and reveal that under certain conditions the weaker parties can get some gains in an asymmetrical negotiation.

The analysis of non-discrimination under Article III of GATT has shown weakness or flaws throughout more than fifty years. The language used by GATT/WTO panels and the Appellate Body in interpreting the two prongs of non-discrimination in the national treatment clause, namely, likeness and protection, lagged behind economic reality. The critical legal analysis carried out in here reveals, to some extent, this while offering a clearer and sounder analysis to non-discrimination based more on market analysis and its economic indicators. / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished