Background: In 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine and put the world into a state of geopolitical crisis, leading to severe negative spillover effects on the global economy. Corporations were compelled to respond to the geopolitical crisis, while some were indirectly exposed to the war and others directly affected, all corporations had to decide on their strategic actions. Thus, questions arise how and why corporations acted as they did. Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore how corporations react to a geopolitical crisis, and further explain how they make their strategic decisions. The study adopts a contingency perspective to identify the fundamental basis upon which strategic decisions were made. Additionally, the study tests whether stakeholders’ influences can explain the corporations’ decisions. Method: This study employs a quantitative methodology with a deductive approach in an exploratory and positivistic paradigm. This is done to examine the relationship between corporations’ exposure to Russia, stakeholders’ influences, and strategic decisions regarding the Russia-Ukraine war. Data were gathered from annual reports and various databases, and analyzed using Spearman correlation matrix and linear regression models. Conclusion: The findings show that corporations act differently depending on their contingencies in reaction to a geopolitical crisis. Furthermore, stakeholders influence the strategic decisions in corporations indirectly affected by the geopolitical crisis, however, their influence is diminished in corporations directly impacted. While some stakeholder influences were found on the strategic decisions made by the most severely impacted corporations, other factors seem to ultimately determine the strategic decisions in the directly impacted corporations.

This thesis aims to reveal the underlying reason behind the recent Rohingya conflict. This paper argues that, instead of only focusing on the ethnic and religious view of the Rohingya conflict, the geopolitical economic view of the conflict also needs to be addressed sincerely as the conflict has a long history and occurred in different political and economic conditions. From that purpose, this research analyses the recent Rohingya conflict from the perspective of the geopolitical economy of resources. It examines the role and activities of the Government of Myanmar and military force concerning the recent conflict. Besides that, this paper also examines the geopolitical economic interests of China and India in Rakhine state regards to their unwillingness to stop the conflict. In this study, secondary sources such as books, academic articles, reports of government and non-government organisations and the UCDP database have mainly been used for data collection, which is based on textual analysis. This thesis applies the concept of Resource, Resource curse, Resource war and Intrastate conflict along with the analytical framework ‘Vulnerability, risk and opportunity’ by Philippe Le Billon as a tool to explain and analyse the conflict. The research shows that the recent violent conflicts which forcedly displaced hundreds of thousands of the Rohingyas from their houses and destroyed many Rohingya villages in Rakhine state have a possible connection with the resources and economic opportunities that are present in the Rakhine state. There is a strong possibility that the resource and economic opportunities influence the GoM and military force to become involved in this conflict. Also, the resource and economic opportunities might prevent China and India from playing an active role to stop the conflict. The Rohingya crisis has been going on for decades now, yet it has not been solved. Also, there is no sign of solving the crisis soon. The geopolitical economic perspective of the conflict might be the answer to why the Rohingya crisis has not yet been solved.

Du lendemain des accords de Munich de septembre 1938 à l’armistice franco-allemand de juin 1940, les gouvernements français ont tenté à plusieurs reprises d’ouvrir au sud-est de l’Europe un front d’Orient contre l’Allemagne et ses alliés (y compris l’URSS). Pendant vingt mois, Paris a ainsi caressé des projets tels qu’un débarquement à Salonique, l’occupation du Dodécanèse et d’autres îles en mer Egée, l’obstruction du Danube ou le bombardement des installations pétrolières du Caucase et voulut y associer le Royaume-Uni, la Turquie, la Grèce et les autres Etats balkaniques. Fondée sur des sources françaises, britanniques, grecques et turques, cette thèse perçoit ces projets comme une réminiscence idéalisée du front d’orient de la Grande Guerre et examine leur échec à la lumière de l’extrême complexité et fluidité des rapports de force entre petites et grandes puissances dans les Balkans. / From the aftermath of the Munich agreements in September 1938 until the Franco-German armistice of June 1940, the French governments have repeatedly tried to open an oriental front in South-Eastern Europe against Germany and its allies (USSR included). During these twenty months, Paris has thus initiated projects as a landing at Salonika, the occupation of the Dodecanese and other islands in the Aegean Sea, the blockage of the Danube or the bombing of the Caucasus oil installations, and tried to associate to these plans the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece and the other Balkan states. Based on French, British, Greek and Turkish sources, this thesis perceives these projects as the result of an idealized remembrance of the Eastern Front of World War I, and considers their failure in the light of the extreme complexity and fluidity of the power struggle among the great and the small powers in the Balkans.

&lsquo / The reconstruction of Europe&rsquo / is a subject covering a quite long period that has seen various outstanding historical events changing the geography and power distribution in Europe, and in the politics of international relations within a general framework. This study underlines the impact of geopolitical setting in the post-WW II and the post-Cold War periods to understand the acts of actors and related outcomes in the reconstruction of Europe. By the comparison of reconstructive acts and ingredients of the foreign policy strategies in both periods, this study attempts to reach the conclusion that &lsquo / the geographical position&rsquo / and the &lsquo / capability to implement&rsquo / defines states&rsquo / foreign policy structuring. The policy choice and instruments of the US in the post-WW II period for the reconstruction of Europe and the policy choice and instruments of West European countries for the reconstruction of Central and Eastern Europe, via the EU and enlargement strategy, in the post- Cold War period has been the focal point of this study to support the argument mentioned above.

In the social sciences, geopolitical theory is used in order to analyze states actions and commitments when it comes to foreign policy. This thesis develops a new understanding of geopolitical theory. Firstly, the development and application of geopolitical theory, from its foundations in the early twentieth century to contemporary geopolitical studies is discussed. Secondly a revised understanding of the variables integrated in the concept and how it can be operationalized as an analytical tool is presented and tested empirically.The critical assessment of the research field of geopolitical theory tells us that six different geopolitical perspectives have been considered the most influential (room, strategy, power projection, identity, affiliation and governance) when it comes to analyzing state action. This model is applied as an analytical tool and thus tested on a single case. The case study is an analysis of foreign policy discussions at the state level in Sweden. This has determined how the geopolitical perspectives function in relation to each other as well as presenting the need of new geopolitical perspectives, in order to understand a state’s foreign policies actions and commitments.The case study clearly shows the merits in using geopolitical perspectives and letting them interplay. The most important result, however, is that future studies needs to consider the connections between the six perspectives. The study has confirmed the need of an additional geopolitical perspective (ideology). Ideology as a seventh perspective addresses the issue of political intentions among a state’s representatives, and in that way helps to explain the dynamic connections between the other six geopolitical perspectives that influence states actions and commitments when it comes to foreign policy.

This study sought to answer why conflict in Turkey-Iran relations increased in the covered period, considering &ndash / relatively- smooth relations between Turkey and Iran in the 1980s, and thermidorizing of Iran in the 1990s. Indeed, ideology has had an important place in bilateral relations between Iran and Turkey for a long time. Ideological factors constituted the immediate reasons for conflict between Turkey and Iran in the 1990s as well. However, ideological differences between the two countries did not cause any serious conflict in the 1980s. Then, the question arises, why and how did ideological reasons led to severe frictions between Iran and Turkey in the 1990s. In this regard, this thesis paid attention to two factors that have profound effects on the foreign policies of Turkey and Iran / changing internal conditions, and the changing geopolitics of Turkey and Iran after the dissolution of the USSR and the Gulf War of 1991.

La mise en place des premiers chemins de fer en Savoie est un sujet qui est longtemps resté dans l'ombre des études sur la percée du tunnel du Mont-Cenis. Cependant, l'histoire de ce mode et les intentions sous-jacentes à la construction de ce réseau sont bien antérieures à la mise en exploitation de cet ouvrage (1871) et même des débuts de son percement (1857). Ce tunnel est évidemment un élément essentiel, voire central, en ce qu'il accompli la quête de continuité modale ferroviaire à l'échelle de la liaison Europe du nord-péninsule italienne. Mais, il est aussi l'aboutissement d'un processus technique, économique et politique qui débute dans les années 1830. L'intérêt du chemin de fer en Savoie ne réside ainsi pas uniquement dans la prouesse technique qu'il représente. Il convient, à la lumière des évolutions de l'historiographie récente, d'interroger cet objet singulier à plus d'un titre. Cette singularité tient à deux éléments majeurs autour desquels il est possible de problématiser le traitement proposé : l'antériorité à la plupart des chemins de fer établis dans les Alpes, et le contexte politique particulièrement instable. La question de l'unité italienne, l'annexion de la Savoie à la France, l'évolution des relations franco-sardes puis franco-italiennes contribuent à dessiner ce chemin de fer qui en est une émanation plus ou moins directe. D'un outil de liaison entre un centre et sa périphérie « d'outre-monts » (époque sarde), ce chemin de fer devient un outil de projection internationale d'échelle européenne avec le tunnel, avant de devenir un enjeu d'intégration d'une périphérie dans le territoire français. La dimension locale et sociale ainsi que les questions touchant aux représentations ne sont toutefois pas à négliger, comme nous y invitent les récentes évolutions qui peuvent se caractériser par le passage d'une histoire des transports à une histoire de la mobilité. La réflexion proposée tend, en considérant ces éléments, à interroger le chemin de fer en Savoie des années 1830 aux années 1880 comme le miroir d'une convergence d'ambitions sur un même territoire politiquement intermédiaire. Le chemin de fer en Savoie, tout en demeurant un instrument politique et une aventure financière qui doit s'adapter au contexte géopolitique, ne serait-il pas plus profondément un nœud de confrontation entre recherches d'opportunités locales et d'intérêts internationaux ? La recherche de rentabilité des acteurs financiers (Compagnie Savoyarde, Compagnie Victor-Emmanuel, Compagnie du PLM) qui prennent part à la construction et à l'exploitation du réseau qui se met progressivement en place à travers et sur le territoire savoyard, se heurtent aux visées de l'Etat sarde, puis français. Ces derniers entendent de leur côté faire jouer principalement un rôle politique au chemin de fer. Ces intérêts politiques se heurtent à leur tour aux ambitions commerciales des puissances européennes, notamment de la Grande-Bretagne, qui voient dans le chemin de fer à travers la Savoie – et surtout dans le tunnel du Mont-Cenis – un axe de transit à portée internationale vers la Méditerranée et donc vers les Indes. Les élites locales, de leur côté, voient dans le chemin de fer un puissant moteur de développement économique et un moyen pour leur territoire d'exister dans la politique nationale. Quant au reste de la population savoyarde, il demeure en dehors des débats qui entourent les intentionnalités et la matérialisation du chemin de fer, tout en subissant les bouleversements qui découlent de son implantation. Fascinations et peurs se mêlent dans leurs représentations de cette incarnation du progrès. Le chemin de fer se pose ainsi en point de rencontre et d'articulation des diverses lignes de force qui font la trajectoire du territoire savoyard. / The implementation of the first railway in Savoy is a subject that has long been in the shadow of the breakthrough studies of the Mont -Cenis . However, the story of this mode and the intentions behind the construction of this network are prior to the operation of this book ( 1871 ) and even the beginnings of its opening ( 1857 ) . This tunnel is obviously an essential or central element, it made ​​the quest for continuity modal rail across Europe connecting the North Italian peninsula. But it is also the result of a technical, economic and political process that began in the 1830s. The interest of railway in Savoy and lies not only in the technical achievement it represents. It should , in the light of developments in recent historiography , examine this singular object in more than one way . This singularity is due to two major elements around which it is possible to problematize the proposed treatment: prior to most railways established in the Alps, and particularly unstable political context. The question of the unification of Italy , the annexation of Savoy to France , the evolution of Franco-Sardinian Franco-Italian relations and help shape the railway which is a more or less direct emanation . On the linker between the center and the periphery of " beyond the mountains " ( Sardinian time) , the railway becomes a tool for screening international European level with the tunnel before becoming an issue of integration a periphery in the french territory. Local and social issues as well as the performances are, however, not be neglected , as we invite recent developments that may be characterized by the passage of a story of transport at a story of mobility . The proposed reflection tends considering these elements , to question the railway Savoie 1830s to the 1880s as the mirror of a convergence ambitions in the same territory through politically. The railway in Savoy, while remaining a political instrument and a financial adventure that must adapt to the geopolitical context , would it not deeper node confrontation between local research opportunities and international interests ?

This study aimed to analyze the characteristic spatial conflicts of territorial demarcation and ownership in Urban Expansion Area of Aracaju, considering the power relations and territoriality giving rise to legal proceedings between São Cristóvão and Aracaju. From this perspective, geopolitical categories were used, space, territory, multiterritoriality and spatial conflicts that underlie this doctoral thesis. The historical and analytical methods were applied to achieve the proposed subject matter. The main instruments of primary data collection were questionnaires with the population of the localities involved, as well as interviews with managers, politicians, historians both Aracaju as of São Cristóvão. In addition, historical documents in municipal and state archives were consulted. Secondary data were also raised about the two municipalities, as well as intense bibliographic review of the categories that support the study. Studying the spatial conflicts and the management of territories in Aracaju Expansion Zone shows the network of relations with historical and economic roots, political settings and symbolic identities that constitute a spatial mosaic, socially constructed. At present, the territory disputed by São Cristovão and Aracaju / SE, is still 'sub judice' and is one of the areas whose interests refer to both the public sphere and the private. The Aracaju municipal public sector has one of the options for widening its territory (physical basis) with the insertion of the Urban Expansion Area (created by Law 873/82), as well as tax revenue, in addition to receiving royaltes, being responsible for the provision of services and infrastructure endowment, which has made, albeit insufficient. The São Cristovão municipal power, which allowed the appropriation of the area by the current capital of Sergipe, is using the courts to resume possession of the territory and to thus be able to enjoy again the benefits of taxation and receive royaltes, a new possibility of income for the city But should take over the administration of the area, which certainly will constitute a difficulty, depending on the distance from headquarters. The private sector also benefits through the landowners and real estate market with the fragmentation of land subdivisions and construction of residential condominiums, plus the installation of commercial enterprises and services. The resident population has complained before of the difficulties, however, it is in favor of maintaining the territory with the municipality of Aracaju, considering the possibilities for improvement of infrastructure conditions of the area, in addition to membership issues, territoriality. / Este estudo teve como objetivo analisar os conflitos espaciais característicos da demarcação e posse territoriais na Zona de Expansão Urbana de Aracaju, considerando as relações de poder e de territorialidade que suscitam processos jurídicos entre São Cristóvão e Aracaju. Nessa perspectiva, foram utilizadas as categorias geopolíticas, espaço, território, multiterritorialidade e conflitos espaciais que embasam esta tese de doutoramento. Os métodos histórico e analítico foram aplicados para a consecução do objeto de estudo proposto. Os principais instrumentos de coleta de dados primários foram questionários aplicados com a população das localidades envolvidas, como também entrevistas com gestores, políticos, historiadores tanto de Aracaju quanto de São Cristóvão. Além disso, foram consultados documentos históricos nos Arquivos municipais e estaduais. Dados secundários também foram levantados sobre os dois municípios, assim como intensa revisão bibliográfica sobre as categorias que dão suporte ao estudo. Estudar os conflitos espaciais e a gestão dos territórios na Zona de Expansão de Aracaju evidencia a trama de relações com raízes históricas e econômicas, configurações políticas e identidades simbólicas que constituem um mosaico espacial, construído socialmente. Na atualidade, o território disputado por São Cristóvão e Aracaju/SE, ainda se encontra ‘sub judice’ e representa uma das áreas cujos interesses remetem tanto à esfera pública quanto à privada. O setor público municipal aracajuano tem uma das possibilidades de alargamento do seu território (base física) com a inserção de parte da Zona de Expansão Urbana (criada por Lei 873/82), assim como a arrecadação de impostos, além do recebimento de royaltes, ficando responsável pela oferta de serviços e da dotação de infraestrutura, o que tem feito, embora de forma insuficiente. O poder municipal sancristovense, que permitiu a apropriação da área pela atual capital sergipana, vem recorrendo na Justiça a retomada e posse do território para, assim, poder usufruir novamente das vantagens de cobrar impostos e receber royaltes, uma nova possibilidade de renda para o município, porém deverá assumir a administração da área, o que, certamente, se constituirá numa dificuldade, em função da distância da sede. O setor privado também se beneficia através dos proprietários fundiários e do mercado imobiliário com o parcelamento da terra em loteamentos e edificação de condomínios residenciais, além da instalação de empreendimentos comerciais e de serviços. A população residente tem reclamado diante das dificuldades enfrentadas, entretanto, é favorável à manutenção do território com o município de Aracaju, considerando as possibilidades de melhoria das condições de infraestrutura da área, além das questões de pertencimento, isto é, territorialidades.

In the last decade China has transformed itself into a maritime power. It is well established that the appointment of Xi-Jinping as the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist in 2013 has been effective in rivalling the U.S Pivot to Asia of 2012 concerning the hegemonic dominance of the highly contested South China Sea region. The thesis aims to demonstrate how emerging powers like China are ready to exhibit methods of soft and hard power to liberate contested waters worth billions of unclaimed dollars of hydrocarbon resources beneath its seabed to showcase how an emerging power is ready to challenge an established power for regional hegemony. A combination of both qualitative and quantitative data has been used to examine Chinese power projection in the South China Sea with relation to their actions in terms of modernisation of their naval fleet, hedging of multilateral institutions and artificial constructions in disputed territories. In sum, a theoretical in depth analysis on how control over the South China Sea is crucial to long term Chinese security. .

In recent years, an increase in geopolitical tensions has prompted discussion within International Business research regarding de-globalization and signs of decoupling between previously interconnected markets. This thesis aims to investigate if high-revenue Swedish multinational enterprises’ communications and strategies are affected by exogenous geopolitical developments in the global economy. By conducting a qualitative content analysis of contents of letters to shareholders between the years 2014 to 2022, we made use of five coded markers and aggregated observations to discern significant events and trends in communication within a sample of 28 multinational enterprises. The findings indicate a shift in market focus among Swedish multinational enterprises, from global to Western markets, as well as increased emphasis on resilience. The study contributes to knowledge of how geopolitical developments affect communication of strategy by Swedish multinational enterprises. / Under de senaste åren har en ökning av geopolitiska spänningar föranlett diskussioner inom internationellt företagande om deglobalisering och tecken på frikoppling mellan tidigare sammanlänkade marknader. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka om svenska multinationella företags kommunikation och strategier påverkas av exogena geopolitiska utvecklingar i den globala ekonomin. Genom en kvalitativ analys av innehållet i avsnittet “VD:n har ordet” inom årsredovisningar mellan åren 2014 till 2022 användes fem markörer och aggregerade observationer för att urskilja viktiga händelser och trender inom kommunikation inom ett urval av 28 multinationella företag. Resultatet visar på en förändring i marknadsfokus bland svenska multinationella företag från globala till västerländska marknader, samt ökad betoning på resiliens. Studien bidrar till kunskap om hur geopolitisk utveckling påverkar kommunikation av strategi från svenska multinationella företag.