Pays où se croisent influences occidentale et arabe, le Liban est un laboratoire heuristique pour analyser la question patrimoniale. Son système politique confessionnel, sa société communautaire et sa situation stratégique au Moyen Orient en font un enjeu géopolitique. La construction nationale a approprié le regard orientaliste pour postuler une identité libanaise assise sur des mythes fondateurs ; elle a mobilisé les Libanais autour des valeurs communes de la nation afin de diluer les identités communautaires. La guerre civile a réactualisé ces identités et les communautés se sont emparées de leurs particularismes religieux au profit des acteurs divers qui s’affrontent au Moyen Orient et qui instrumentalisent la carte communautaire libanaise dans leurs confrontations. Le Liban a traversé deux périodes de construction identitaire : nationale et communautaire ; chacune de ces périodes a sécrété un patrimoine particulier. À Baalbek, ville connue par l’Occident à travers les récits des voyageurs, la construction nationale désigne le site archéologique comme patrimoine national. Or, ce site se caractérise par une sédimentation de couches culturelles qui sollicite une lecture patrimoniale différente selon des échelles : alors que le regard occidental y voit des temples romains, la population locale y voit une Qalaa (citadelle) arabe. Entre la romanité et l’arabité du site, l’État libanais a opté pour sa dimension phénicienne qui affirme que les Libanais sont les descendants des Phéniciens. Avec la remontée du pouvoir communautaire chiite dans la ville, un nouvel objet patrimonial émerge : le mausolée de Sit Khawla répond par son référentiel identitaire et la dynamique économique qu’il induit dans la ville, aux aspirations de la population locale recomposée communautairement. Il s’ensuit deux pôles patrimoniaux qui coexistent dans l’espace de Baalbek. Cette bipolarité patrimoniale renvoie à des enjeux, des logiques d’acteurs et des acceptions du patrimoine que cette thèse s’attache à analyser. / A country influenced by both the Western and Arab world, Lebanon is a heuristic laboratory to analyze heritage questions. Its confessional political system, community social structures and strategic location in the Middle East contribute to make it an important geopolitical stake. The Lebanese nation-building process appropriated the Orientalist gaze to force a national identity based on several founding myths. It sought to gather the Lebanese around national common values, and so weaken the community identities by promoting the image of a socio-cultural mosaic. The civil war refreshed these identities, and the communities seized their specific religious particularisms, which the regional powers in the Middle East manipulated for their power game. Lebanon witnessed two periods of identity-building: national and community, each of them inventing a particular heritage object. In Baalbek, a city that was familiar to the West thanks to travellers, nation-building process appointed the archaeological site as a national heritage. However, the site is characterized by sedimentation of several cultural layers, each participating in different scales of heritage interpretation: while the Western gaze sees Roman temples, the local gaze sees an Arab Qalaa (citadel). In addition to the Roman and Arab identity of the site, the Lebanese state stressed its Phoenician dimension favourable to its national discourse which affirms that the Lebanese are the descendants of Phoenicians. With the rise of Shiite community power in the city, a new heritage object attracts the local level: the mausoleum of Sit Khawla responds to the aspirations of local population, by its referential identity and its economic dynamics which it has induced in the city, now recomposed on a community basis. As a result, two heritage centres coexist in Baalbek’s space. This bipolarity underlines heritage issues, the actors’ logics and the different significance of the conception of heritage, which this thesis attempts to analyze.

Thesis abstract: Geopolitical Rivalry in Central Asia and Turkmenistan's power as a weak state Charles University, Institute of International Studies, MAS programme 2019 Emma Welsink English Abstract Research on weak states and their position in the international system has been a widely discussed topic for decades, especially in relation to the Cold War bipolar system that revolved around Russia and the United States as great powers. Yet what is lacking is a contemporary analysis that concentrates on the current multipolar system in which the importance of economic alliances and power surpass military power, and how this affects weak states' foreign policy behavior and trade opportunities. This research therefore offers an empirical analysis on great power geopolitical competition between Russia and China over Turkmenistan's economic allegiance, specifically regarding its natural gas export, and seeks to explain how this geopolitical competition has affected Turkmenistan's foreign energy policy behavior as a weak state vis-á-vis these great powers. Additionally, this research seeks to examine how Turkmenistan has even instrumentalized this competition to further its national interest of energy export diversification. More specifically, this research shows that great power competition has played a...

Цель этого исследования - разработать эффективную коммуникационную стратегию для отдела GSEM, которая улучшит текущие стратегии и модификации во время кризиса, сосредоточив внимание на возможности набора студентов из стран Латинской Америки. Научная новизна данного исследования заключается во влиянии авторитета магистерских и бакалаврских программ, представлений студентов о своей будущей карьере и эффективности коммуникативных стратегий в период кризиса. Практическая значимость этого исследования заключается в том, чтобы предоставить университетам идеи и стратегии для разработки эффективных коммуникативных тактик во время кризиса, а также определить ключевые факторы для успешных коммуникативных стратегий в сфере бизнеса и управленческого образования. Эффективность рекомендаций, представленных в этом исследовании, демонстрируется посредством анализа данных, который подтверждает влияние геополитического кризиса на восприятие России как направления обучения, выявляет ключевые факторы, затронутые санкциями, и выделяет предпочтения и каналы коммуникации потенциальных студентов, что в конечном итоге позволит университетам усовершенствовать свои коммуникационные стратегии и эффективно привлекать латиноамериканских студентов. / The objective of this research is to develop an effective communication strategy for the GSEM department that will enhance current strategies and modifications during times of crisis focusing on the possibility to recruit students from Latin American countries. The scientific novelty of this study lies on the impact of the credibility of Master and Bachelor programs, students' perceptions of their future careers, and the effectiveness of communication strategies during times of crisis. The practical significance of this study is to provide universities with insights and strategies for developing effective communication tactics during times of crisis, as well as identifying key drivers for successful communication strategies in the field of business and management education. The effectiveness of the recommendations provided in this study is demonstrated through the analysis of data, which confirms the impact of geopolitical crisis on perceptions of Russia as a study destination, identifies key factors affected by sanctions, and highlights the preferences and communication channels of potential students, ultimately enabling universities to enhance their communication strategies and attract Latin American students effectively.

Diese Dissertation ist im Rahmen der Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and Societies entstanden. / Diese historische Diskursanalyse untersucht zwei Stränge des zusammenhängenden historischen Basisnarrativs der Hidschra, welcher bosniakische Muslime Südosteuropas, ihre ausgewanderten Verwandten sowie das Denken politischer Eliten in der Türkei seit dem schrittweisen Niedergang des Osmanischen Reichs auf wechselvolle Weise verbindet. In den ersten beiden Teilen wird gezeigt, wie auch nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der historischen Region des Sandžaks von Novi Pazar (Serbien/Montenegro) der Migrationsdruck auf Muslime fortdauerte, die in der Türkei ihren Reservestaat sahen. Über die durchlässigen Grenzen des blockfreien Jugoslawiens hielten jugoslawische Muslime den gesamten Kalten Krieg hinweg Kontakte zwischen alter und neuer Heimat aufrecht, sind in beträchtlicher Zahl in die Türkei ausgewandert und konnten dort paradoxerweise über ihr symbolisches Kapital, aus Europa gekommen zu sein, schnell zu Etablierten werden. In dieser Phase, die an die figurative Rede des Fortgangs der Türkei aus Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts anschließt, dauert die Abwertung des Ostens und die Aufwertung Europas an, was sich auf Denken und Selbstverständnisse sozialistischer und kemalistischer Eliten beider Länder ausgewirkt hat, die sich von der osmanischen Geschichte abzugrenzen suchten. In den beiden folgenden Teilen wird gezeigt, wie der Bosnien-Krieg (1992-95), die geopolitische Wende sowie Entwicklungen im Feld des politischen Islams auf globaler und regionaler Ebene den Diskurs veränderten: Europa erfuhr eine symbolische Abwertung, während über eine Neurezeption des Exodus- und Gründungsmythos der Hidschra ein neuer Zivilisationismus entstand. Dadurch inspirierte türkische Kulturdiplomaten entfalteten ein neues Sendungsbewusstsein, das durch restaurative Aktivitäten auf dem Balkan die figurative Rede von der Rückkehr der Türkei beförderte. Das türkische Sicherheitsversprechen Amanet wird seitdem von beiden Seiten zur Herstellung diskursiver Einheit und politischer Zustimmung bemüht. / This historical discourse analysis examines two strands of the interrelated basic historical narrative of the Hijrah, which has linked Bosniak Muslims, their emigrant relatives and the thinking of political elites in Turkey from the gradual decline of the Ottoman Empire down to the present day in varying ways. The first two parts of this study show how the migratory pressure on Muslims in the historical region of the Sandžak of Novi Pazar (Serbia/Montenegro) continued even after World War II; these Muslim emigrants perceived Turkey as their reserve state. Through the permeable borders of non-aligned Yugoslavia, Muslims from the Sandžak region emigrated to Turkey in considerable numbers, maintained contact between their old and new homelands throughout the Cold War, and managed to quickly establish themselves, profiting from their symbolic capital of having come from Europe. In this period of time, which follows on from the figurative speech of The Outgoing Turk in the 19th century, the devaluation of the East and the revaluation of Europe continued, shaping the self-image of socialist and Kemalist elites in both countries who were seeking to distance themselves from the Ottoman past. The following two parts, by contrast, show how the Bosnian war (1992-95), the broader geopolitical shift and the concomitant developments in the field of political Islam were changing the discourse on a global and regional level: Europe underwent a symbolic devaluation, while a new civilizationism emerged via a new perception of the exodus and founding myth of the Hijrah. Inspired by this intellectual movement, Turkish cultural diplomats developed a new sense of mission that promoted Turkey's figurative and political return to the Balkans through restorative activities in the formerly Ottoman lands of Southeastern Europe. The promise of acting as a protective power for European Muslims termed Amanet is used by both sides to create discursive unity and even political approval.

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

Extensive sources have been reviewed and analysed to piece together for the first time a detailed academic study of civilian evacuation to Devon viewed against the national backdrop. The primary focus of this thesis is the large number of unaccompanied children who were officially evacuated to the County under the auspices of the Government Evacuation Scheme during the Second World War. However, Chapter Six discusses the evacuation of mothers and accompanying children, unofficial (private) evacuees and private school parties. The majority of evacuated children arriving in Devon originated from the London area and southeastern counties. In addition large numbers of children were also evacuated to the County from Bristol and within the County from Plymouth (Devon) during 1941 and briefly from Exeter in May 1942. Each of the three national evacuation waves is considered individually throughout the text as they are quite distinct in complexion, a fact frequently ignored in generalised accounts which tend to focus on reaction to the initial wave. This thesis argues that: 1. lack of regional and local research has resulted in evacuation largely being viewed in generalised and stereotypical terms without due regard for the socioeconomic and geopolitical variance between those areas involved or the particular localised features of the evacuation process 2. the acclimatisation of evacuated children was particularly successful in Devon and drift back less than the national average 3. local evidence supports the argument that contemporary national reports of impoverished, dirty and ill mannered evacuees were frequently exaggerated 4. evacuation was central in accelerating postwar reform in areas of education, child care and welfare The civilian evacuation during World War Two was a remarkable event in the history of modern Britain. Interest in the subject has recently increased but there is enormous scope and need for further research both to broaden our understanding of the nature and impact of evacuation and to test entrenched views. The over-arching aim of this thesis is to contribute to this exploration.

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

L’essor des chaînes satellitaires arabes à l’échelle régionale et mondiale a métamorphosé l’espace médiatique arabe. Le début des années 1990 annonce la mondialisation, et l’acquisition de la technologie satellitaire dans les pays arabes semble être le début d’une nouvelle ère dans une région où se conjuguent la rentabilité financière et l’influence politique et idéologique des acteurs. Les chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu sont le modèle approprié qui traduit ce schéma dans une région politiquement, économiquement et culturellement complexe. C’est l’avènement d’Al Jazeera et sa couverture de la guerre en Afghanistan en 2001 et par la suite la guerre en Irak en 2003 qui a bien façonné une large proportion de l’opinion publique arabe. D’autres chaînes arabes du même genre en quête d’influence se sont multipliées en un temps record dans cet espace médiatique, telles qu’Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen et d’autres, le transformant ainsi de façon radicale. L’audience arabe est également convoitée par des chaînes occidentales arabophones financées par les gouvernements respectifs de leurs pays comme la chaîne américaine Al Hurra, française France 24, britannique la BBC Arabic ou allemande DW . L’étude porte sur le rôle de ces chaînes d’information dans les changements qu’a connus et connait à l’heure actuelle la région du Moyen Orient, et leur degré d’engagement pour la diffusion et l’ancrage des valeurs et pratiques démocratiques. Dans quelle mesure les métamorphoses propres de ces chaînes sont susceptibles de révéler les transformations les plus profondes des sociétés arabes? L’objet de cette recherche est de saisir les modalités de l’avènement des chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu, de définir les objectifs de leur création et d’identifier les acteurs de toute sorte afin d’en discerner les conséquences sur le plan médiatique et géopolitique. / The Arab TV satellite channels’ growth at the regional and global scale metamorphosed Arabic media space. The early 90s impulse globalization and satellite technologies’ acquisition by Arab countries seems to be the beginning of a new era in this region where combined financial profitability, political influence and ideological actors. TV Channels rolling news and continuously broadcast information are the appropriate model that reflects this scheme in a region politically, economically and culturally so complex and mostly complicated. It is the advent of the Arab TV channel Al Jazeera and its Afghanistan war coverage in 2001 and thereafter the Iraq war in 2003 that have shaped a huge proportion of Arab public opinion. Other TV channels of the same kind are multiplied and diversified in a record time, such as Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen, etc. Arabic audience is also coveted by Western Arabic TV channels financed by western countries and their governments, such as the U.S. channel Al Hurra, French once 24 French, British one BBC Arabic or the German one DW. The study focuses on the role of the TV channels specialized on news in r evolutions known and continuously know at present the Middle East region.What is the degree of their commitment to broadcasting and anchoring universal values and democratic practices? What is the degree of influence may reveal changes in the Arab societies? The purpose of this research is to understand how the advent of TV Channels rolling news, set goals, and identify actors in order to recognize the consequences over the media plans and geopolitical perspectives.

CHINA IN GLOBAL AND REGIONAL POLITICS IN THE 21ST CENTURY - GEOPOLITICAL CLASH WITH JAPAN, INDIA, USA, RUSSIA AND EUROPE Mgr. Martin Petrtýl Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, PhD. Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences This dissertation discusses the current and future role of China in the 21st century. I worked with the idea to prepare a systematically detailed analytical study of the country in relation to its surroundings as well as its internal environment for more than 8 years, including many interruptions. I, above all, contemplated about the way how to truly scientifically, i.e. credibly, it means in the maximum possible the limits of verifiability, develop a full work that could hold up to the colleagues from the scientific community and myself. It is logical it was and is my attempt to allow minimal possibility of any criticism of this work for its formal, content, or other deficiencies. First, I decided to analyse in some detail the currently known theoretical approaches and methods of study, not only in political sciences, especially those used by political geographers, but also in other related fields, especially in the field of study of international relations, sociology, political science or general security studies. I did not want to study the issue is the...