This thesis seeks to examine Indian political development in South Africa during the period 1933-1939, with specific reference to the emergence of the Colonial-Born and Settlers' Indian Association and its influence on the course of Natal Indian politics. The primary aim of the thesis is to examine the role played by this Association in obstructing the Union government's assisted emigration plans and colonisation scheme. To achieve this aim it was necessary to examine the establishment of the Association and to determine whether the Association fulfilled its main objective. After a brief exposition of early Indian immigration, the activities of the successive Agent-Generals are examined in the context of their relationship with the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) and the Association and how these diplomats articulated the aspirations of their government. The Agency attempted to secure improvements in the socio-economic position of the South African Indian community. In terms of various directives from the Indian government it was clear that they emphasised the value of negotiations and compromise and aggressively suppressed the strategies of those who opposed this approach. This attitude surfaced particularly in its relationship with the Association relative to the Association's stance on the colonisation issue. Notwitstanding the disabilities experienced by the Association in its fight for the equal status of its supporters and for the right to remain in South Africa, the Association is seen to have succeeded in the realisation of its fundamental objective. The thesis also seeks to establish that there was a need for the creation of the Association and later after it had served its function the need for its dissolution. In this process the author also deals with the general activities of the Association and the crucial negotiations conducted with the Congress to the point of amalgamation in 1939 when the Association and the NIC amalgamated to form the Natal Indian Association. The significant influence of the Agency in the process of negotiations is emphasised. There are three main themes in this study. The first reflects the manner In which the moderate leadership articulated the aspirations of their supporters. Secondly, it demonstrates the internal differences, sectionalism and the class struggles within the Indian organisations. , The third theme seeks to reveal the often devious roles played by the respective governments, their intransigence, connivance and particularly the apathy of the government of India. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 1999.

This thesis employs Jurgen Habermas’ theory of public sphere as an analytical tool to consider the role played by two popular private newspapers in the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe, one case from colonial Rhodesia and the other from the post-colonial era. It argues that, functioning under repressive political regimes and in the absence of credible opposition political parties or as a platform for opposition political parties, the African Daily News, between 1956-1964 and the Daily News, between 1999-2003, played a fundamental role in opening up spaces for political freedom in the country. Each was ultimately shut down by the respective government of the time. The newspapers allowed reading publics the opportunity to participate in politics by providing a daily analytical alternative, to that offered by the government and the state media, in relation to the respective political crises that unfolded in each of these periods. The thesis examines both the information policies pursued by the different governments and the way these affected the functioning of private media in their quest to provide an ‘ideal’ public sphere. It explores issues of ownership, funding and editorial policies in reference to each case and how these affected the production of news and issue coverage. It considers issues of class and geography in shaping public response. The thesis also focuses on state reactions to the activities of these newspapers and how these, in turn, affected the activities of private media actors. Finally, it considers the cases together to consider the meanings of the closing down of these newspapers during the two eras under discussion and contributes to the debates about print media vis-a-vis the new forms of media that have come to the fore. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2014.

This thesis investigates the English language press and its coverage of protest struggles and backlash, border wars and related militarisation of society in the critical years of South African political change between 1976 and 1988. The widespread reputation of Natal liberalism has led researchers to debate the extent to which the independent Natal Witness was a politically oppositional paper and raises interesting questions about the construction ofliberalism itself as a political doctrine. I examine the Natal Witness as a case study - an English language newspaper based in the province that was then called Natal. In this study, I focus on key events related to violent political conflict to determine how this newspaper reported on the apartheid state's police response to protest, its military campaigns, perceived security threats to the nation, the issue of military conscription, and the increasingly violent provincial politics fought between the followers of the United Democratic front (UDF) and Inkatha. I describe the coverage of the Witness at length and show how various mediums (news articles, letters, and opinion pieces) and various sources conveyed events to its readership. I assess the content and its ambiguities to paint a complex and detailed picture of how discourses shifted with events and over time. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / The processes of assimilation and naturalisation are encountered by immigrants around the world in differing degrees. Every immigrant to a new state, is forced to adapt to their new society in certain ways, in order to be able to function successfully in their new community. This thesis aims to look at these processes as they are managed by organisations within the new society. The Maatskappy vir Europese Immigrasie (MEI) [Company for European Immigration] was one such organisation which operated in South Africa. The MEI was founded in 1949, following on from other organisations which had concerned themselves with immigrant recruitment, assimilation and assistance in general. This thesis posits that the MEI, whilst primarily directed at the assistance in assimilating immigrants, also maintained another socio-political agenda.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the twentieth century, SANLAM developed as an important source of financial stability and assistance and played an important role in the economy of South Africa. That role was made possible through the effective collection and management of financial assets as well as the support of its policies to the broader South African population. But what did this performance of SANLAM hold for the population and how did the company assist South Africans to gain access to a larger share in the country's economy? These and other questions are the focus of this study which attempt to prove that SANLAM, through the use of its services and profit motive, could in fact help Afrikaners and later the broader South African public, to acquire a share in the country's economy. This was achieved to a large extent despite a ‘controversial’ identity where many people viewed SANLAM as a symbol of hope, while others saw it as a product of capitalism or as an economic puppet of the government. However, by the 1980’s, SANLAM had visible influence in nearly all sectors of the South African economy, either in a direct or indirect fashion. This makes SANLAM one of South Africa's economic success stories. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die twintigste eeu het SANLAM as bron van finansiële stabiliteit en -hulpverlening sterk ontwikkeling en ’n belangrike rol in die ekonomie van Suid-Afrika gespeel. Daardie rol is moontlik gemaak deur die doeltreffende versameling en bestuur van finansiële bates asook die ondersteuning wat sy polisse onder die breër Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking geniet het. Maar wat het hierdie goeie vertoning van SANLAM vir die bevolking ingehou en hoe het die maatskappy gehelp om Suid-Afrikaners se aandeel in die land se ekonomie uit te brei? Hierdie vrae vorm die middelpunt van hierdie verhandeling en daar sal probeer word om te bewys dat SANLAM deur middel van beide sy diens- en winsmotief ’n groter aandeel aan Afrikaners, in die eerste instansie en Suid-Afrikaners in die breër verband, in die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie kon bewerkstellig. Dit is in ’n groot mate verwesenlik teen die agtergrond van ’n kontroversiële identiteit waar SANLAM deur meeste mense as ’n simbool van hoop, deur sommige as ’n produk van kapitalisme en deur ander as ’n regerings-instrument beskou was. SANLAM se invloed was teen 1980, direk of indirek, in byna alle sektore van Suid-Afrika se ekonomie sigbaar. Dit maak vir SANLAM dus een van Suid-Afrika se ekonomiese suksesstories.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / A cultural landscape is a geographical area that includes the associations of cultural and natural resources of historic events, actions, person or groups of people. A cultural landscape gives one a sense of belonging. It explains relationships between man and land over time; it is part of a national heritage and part of every person’s life. The value of cultural landscapes is vested in the fact that they include a variety of diverse environments. The motive of selecting this subject for search is the prominent disregard of existing culture in certain cultural landscapes and creation of new artificial cultural landscapes with profit exclusively as its main goal. One of the aims of the study is to look at the threats of cultural landscapes. The concept cultural landscapes is extensively explained in context of its advantages and disadvantages. Sustainable tourism development is closely connected to sustainable development of heritage sites. Local government should therefore develop a cultural tourism policy in collaboration with private stakeholders and local residents as a matter of priority. The focus is on the balance between values of cultural heritage and potential economic opportunities for local communities. The procedure of the declaration of World Heritages sites is also dealt with. The purpose of the case studies is to use local examples in order to reflect the situation in the Western Cape with respect to cultural landscapes. Two cases of cultural landscapes were researched, namely the Karoo Heritage Landscape’s upgrading of the golf course in Oudtshoorn with a proposed new housing development, and a proposed development and extension at the Boschendal Farmers Estate in the Franschhoek district. Guidelines and examples for managing the models for conservation of cultural landscapes are given, which include natural and cultural resources as well as the concerns of the local communities. The need for a global strategy is strongly emphasized. UNESCO’S World Heritage List of Cultural Landscapes is attached as an appendix.

Thesis (MA) Stellenbosch University, 1982. / No abstract

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: “The cry of the children of the needy is bitter and heartrending, and any effort towards stilling it deserves the best support and encouragement of the community… every day it rises in despairing appeal for succour and relief.” So wrote a South African newspaper editor in the early 1900s. This “cry” was answered by the emergence of a fledgling child welfare movement in South Africa, largely under the impetus of private charities mimicking international trends – particularly those of the metropole. The 1913 Children’s Act codified child protection, whilst government policies such as child maintenance grants helped in targeting one of the key challenges of child welfare: (white) poverty. Progressively, state and welfare became ever more entwined, epitomised by the formation of the National Council of Child Welfare in 1924 and the Social Welfare Department of 1937. Whilst the state played a constructive role when the aims of child welfare organisations tallied with its own goals (such as eliminating white poverty) it took on a more malevolent form when child welfare organisations did not toe the party-line, by turning their attention from white children to black children in the late 1930s. The movement towards an apartheid state in 1948 saw the consolidation of de facto racial policies into de juro government legislation. This thesis explores the delicate balance between maintaining state support, whilst upholding the values of independent welfare, “irrespective of race or class, of politics or creed”. Despite asserting such inclusive sentiments, borrowed from international discourses, child welfare in South Africa could not be removed from its local socio-political context. The 1953 Bantu Education Act and the 1960 Children’s Act consolidated racial separation through the unequal allocation of state resources to black and white children. Despite the muted concerns of child welfare activists, apartheid discrimination towards African children increased as the century progressed, intensifying hostility and necessitating the agency of African youth towards the apartheid government culminating in the Soweto Uprising of 16 June 1976 and its aftermath. The key aim of this thesis is to illustrate that, while government involvement in welfare brought many benefits to the South African child welfare movement, it simultaneously created a dependence that would make child welfare organisations vulnerable to racialised party politics and bureaucracy in the twentieth century. This is evidenced in the divergence of child welfare along racial lines with white children receiving care similar to that in the Anglophone west, whilst African children were largely neglected. The unequal allocation of resources according to race served to consolidate white hegemony for generations of South Africans, as the “children of today make the nation of tomorrow”. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: “Die geween van die kinders in nood is hartverskeurend en bitter, en enige pogings om hierdie nood te verlig, verdien om deur die gemeenskap ondersteun en aangemoedig te word … elke dag is daar wanhopige krete tot hulp en verligting.” Só het ʼn Suid-Afrikaanse koerantredakteur in die vroeë twintigste eeu geskryf. Die “geween” is beantwoord deur die ontstaan van ʼn kinderwelsynsbeweging in Suid-Afrika. Hierdie beweging is grootliks ondersteun deur private welsynsbewegings wat internasionale tendense nagevolg het, in besonder dié van die metropool. Die 1913 Kinderwet het kinderbeskerming gedefinieer en regeringsbeleid soos onderhoudstoekennings het terselfdertyd gehelp om een van die grootste probleme in kinderwelsyn, naamlik (wit) armoede aan te spreek. Die staat en kinderwelsyn het toenemend met mekaar verweef geraak wat uiteindelik gelei het tot die stigting van die Nasionale Raad van Kinderwelsyn in 1924 en die Department van Maatskaplike Welsyns in 1937. Die regering het ʼn konstruktiewe rol gespeel wanneer kinderwelsyn organisasies se doelwette met die van die regering (soos om wit armoede uit te wis) gesinkroniseer het. In gevalle waar die organisasies regeringsbelied uigedag het soos in die geval van die verskuiwing van die fokus van hul aktiwiteite in die 1930s na swart kinders het die regering se rol ‘n meer destruktiewe aard ontwikkel. Met die beweging na ʼn apartheid staat in 1948 was daar ʼn vereenselwiging van die de facto rassebeleid met die de jure regeringsbeleid. Hierdie tesis ondersoek die delikate balans tussen die behoud van regeringsondersteuning en die handhawing van die beleid van verkaffing van onafhanklike welsyn, “ongeag ras, klas, politieke oortuigings of geloof.” Ten spyte van die handhawing van hierdie inklusiewe benadering in navolging van internasionale diskoers, kon kinderwelsyn in Suid-Afrika nie sy plaaslike sosio-politieke konteks ontkom nie. Die 1953 Wet op Bantoe-Onderwys tesame met die 1960 Kinderwet het rasseskeiding verskans deur die oneweredige toekenning van regeringshulpbronne aan swart en blanke kinders. Ten spyte van kinderwelsyn-aktiviste se gedempte protes, het diskriminasie teenoor swart kinders deur die loop van die eeu toegeneem. Dit het wrewel jeens die regering verdiep wat weerstand onder die swart jeug aangemoedig het en uiteindelik in die Soweto opstande van 16 Junie 1976 gekulmineer het. Die hoofdoel van hierdie tesis is om te illustreer dat, alhoewel regeringsbetrokkenheid in welsyn vele voordele vir die Suid-Afrikaanse kinderwelsynsbeweging ingehou het, dit terselfdertyd ʼn soort afhanklikheid geskep het wat die kinderwelsynsorganisasies in die twintigste eeu kwesbaar gelaat het vir rasgebaseerde party politiek en burokrasie. Die kwesbaarheid word ten beste geillustreer deur die ontwikkeling van rasgebaseerde kinderwelsyn in terme waarvan wit kinders behandeling soortgelyk aan die van die Engelstalige weste ontvang het, terwyl swart kinders grootliks verwaarloos is. Die ongelyke toekenning van hulpbronne ten opsigte van ras het gelei tot die verstewiging van wit dominansie in Suid-Afrika vir talle generasies, aangesien “die kinders van vandag die nasie van môre is”. / Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.