The political violence and vigilante activities that characterised Natal and Zululand between 1985 and 1996 had numerous causes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 contributed to the rise of vigilantism and political violence. The formation of the Congress of the South African Trade Union (COSATU) in 1985 compounded this situation. Both these movements were known to be sympathetic to the African National Congress (ANC), which was still banned at the time of their formation; hence they had similar objectives to the ANC. During this time, Inkatha was the only strong Black political movement in the country, and particularly in Natal and Zululand. The Inkatha movement and its leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi regarded the formation of the UDF and COSATU in 1985 as a challenge to the hegemony of Inkatha in the region, following his fall-out with the ANC leadership in exile. Local leadership of political movements, namely, UDF and COSATU on one hand and Inkatha on the other, mobilised their support-base and took arms against each other. The lifting of the State of Emergency in 1986 intensified political violence and vigilante activities in the region. The Natal Midlands’ violence saw a high number of deaths and causalities. Local communities as well such as Vulindlela suffered a great deal. Clan faction fights were characteristic of KwaShange in the period 1940s-1970s, but from the late 1980s onwards (especially 1987) political unrest and struggle against the Nationalist apartheid regime changed into conflict between Inkatha and the UDF, which gradually worsened into civil war. In the course of my previous studies in KwaShange I discovered that the violence had impacted upon families and inter-generational relationships. According to some senior residents’ thinking, a number of youths were ill disciplined. Issues of disciplining of youths had obscured the political struggle and violence, making it hard to disentangle them. When researching memories of the violence, I found that persons spoke of different incidents within this struggle period and described their violent nature and how it had impacted on families’ survival, both psychologically and physically. The interviewees kept saying that it was hard to forget the memories engendered by their horrific experiences. The South African Government was accused of secretly provoking acts of violence in Natal and Zululand and was furthermore accused of having sent IFP troops to the Caprivi in Namibia for training in guerrilla combat. The Government later acknowledged this, explaining that the Natal Legislature needed specially trained forces for its officials. The unbanning of political parties and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 saw KwaZulu- Natal entering a new phase of random vigilante activities and violence. The security forces (the South African Police and the South African Defence Force) were accused of supporting IFP vigilantes. All this led to the “Seven Days War” in 1990 in the Midlands, particularly in KwaVulindlela. In KwaShange this violence, from 1986 until 1996, created divisions in families and the community. Many people lost their lives. All efforts to put an end to the violence and vigilantism failed. The announcement that the first democratic election in South Africa was to be held in 1994 triggered more violence in Vulindlela. Exhaustion in the area, and a national climate which promoted peace were elements which eventually brought the conflict to an end. Socially and economically, the area is still experiencing problems. Survivors and generations born during and after the turmoil talk about endless psychological and emotional suffering born during this turmoil. My contention is that trauma experienced as a result of this violence and its consequences influenced the lives of all persons affected by it, and that this was transmitted across generations, through whole families and communities. It must be realized that these people and their families were affected for a long time, and many are still traumatised. The social structure of the community has been affected by it and by implication that of successive generations will also be affected. This study describes and analyses political violence in KwaShange and investigates how it is remembered by the survivors. It also attempts to answer the question of how communities, families and individuals survived these traumatic experiences, how they coped (or failed to cope) with their experiences, both then and fifteen years after the end of violence. By focusing on KwaShange as a case study of political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, I hope to determine what was in play in the province, and find a common pattern underlying the dynamics of the conflicts. Pre-civil war divisions have not, up to the present, been confronted, and these fuelled the political affiliations that were a response to the struggle against the apartheid regime. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

This thesis seeks to document the life and work of veteran Durban trade unionist Harriet Bolton, with a particular focus on the years from 1944 to 1974. Harriet Bolton lived and worked through many of the crucial developments in South Africa’s labour history, and her personal history is closely entwined with this broader history. Her recorded memories of her years as a trade unionist offer a unique ‘way in’ to revisiting South Africa’s labour history and particularly the critical period of Durban’s early 1970s. Harriet’s testimony, gathered through a series of interviews, forms a core narrative throughout the thesis. However, archive and newspaper material provide detailed contextualisation for the interviews and opportunity to gain some perspective on questions of memory and of Harriet’s own relationship with history. Her recorded memories of these years substantially concern her experience as a trade unionist, but also as a working woman who was a wife and mother, later a widow as well as an engaged citizen of Durban society through her involvement in community organisations and welfare groups. As such, deeper insight into what it meant to be a working woman of her generation is gained. An important component of the thesis is a consideration of the history and politics of the Garment Workers Industrial Union (Natal) and its workers. The union was founded by Harriet’s husband Jimmy Bolton, and was for forty years closely associated with the name and legacy of the Boltons. I examine Harriet’s leadership of this union in the context of the shifting demographics of the union, and a changed political and economic landscape in South Africa. This thesis is also concerned with the role that the Trade Union Council of South Africa played during the period under consideration. Harriet’s relationship with TUCSA and her experience as a white woman trade unionist organising black trade unions ‘within’ the structures of this organisation provide the historian with a unique perspective on TUCSA’s somewhat under-researched history. Harriet’s role as a trade unionist during the tumultuous and critical period of the early 1970s, and a consideration of her contribution to the emerging non-racial trade union movement, is an important component of the thesis. The years both pre and post the 1973 strike wave are revisited through Harriet’s lens. Insights in to the question of women’s roles and contribution to South Africa’s labour movement are generated through gaining an understanding of Harriet’s perspectives. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009

This dissertation investigates the regulation of cross-border mobility and the formation of Natal, and nascent South African, immigration policy in the late colonial period. Natal's immigration technologies were at the very vanguard of a new global migration regime based on documentation and rigorous policing of boundaries. Essentially a thorough examination of the workings of the pre-Union Immigration Restriction Department (1897-c.191 0), I offer a historical analysis of state capacity to regulate and 'embrace' immigration along Natal's formative borders and points of entry, focusing on the port-town of Durban, whose colonial urban proftle forms a subsidiary focus of the project. This involves going beyond a mere study of policy and legislation - instead I have made a close and historically attentive study of the actual mechanisms of regulation and inclusion/exclusion and where these routinely failed, were subverted or implicated in economies of fraud and evasion. Through this, I build upon and deepen legal studies of immigration restriction by considering the practical and, to some degree, lived experience of restriction. I lay the groundwork by contextualizing the specific contours of 'undesirability' in turn of the century Durban. I point to a number of moral panics and a sense of crisis that engulfed officials in the town, referring in turn to merchant and 'passenger' Indians, wartime refugees, maritime labourers and poor whites, amongst others, moving to and through a regional and Indian-Ocean economy. I then turn to the 'technologies of exclusion' in two streams: 'paper-based' technologies of pass regimes, domicile certificates and education/language tests, and secondly more explicit forms of confinement, surveillance and patrol through police-guard systems and detention policies. An important aspect of the question that I consider turns on the growing capacity of the state to arrest and intern during and following the South African war. By the end of the war in 1902, progress would in practice be underwritten by a new climate of professional, technical and managerial agency that also percolated through state bureaucracies. 'Technological' and bureaucratic proficiency provided a legitimate and unproblematic guise for highly politicized state intervention and forms the origins of the 20'h century South African immigration administration. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

This thesis considers the history of stevedoring work and workers in Durban between 1959 and 1990. In particular I focus on the two distinct themes of "labour management" and "technological change" in order to denlonstrate the transformations that have occurred in the port. In examining the dranlatic technological changes in the harbour I analyze the particular difficulties that the industry faced in coping with the deluands of the changes in the structure ofthe global shipping industry. In discussing the different reginles of labour adnlinistration in the harbour I show the relationships between the implementation ofApartheid and the practice of stevedoring work in Durban. Finally I show how these thenles are related in carefully considering the positions of these workers at the nloments of technological change, retrenchment and unionization. I suggest that we cannot understand these processes of change without understanding the specific kinds of control under which these workers laboured during Apartheid. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal,Durban, 2002.

As no other study of settler impact on the Natal environment exists for the early colonial period, this thesis is a pioneering work. It aims to document the changes white settlers made to the natural environment of Natal between 1845 and 1870. In order to do that, an understanding of the state of the environment by 1845 first had to be reached. This involved outlining briefly the nature of the environment and then assessing the impact made by the Iron Age farmers, the white hunter-traders, and the Boers of the Republic. The establishment of the Colony in 1845 meant that Natal was now in the hands of British administrators, determined to discover and utilize the resources of this outpost of the British Empire. The arrival and distribution of about 5 000 settlers in the early 1850s made the white population of Natal predominantly urban and British. Imbued with the idea of progress these settlers attempted to produce for their own subsistence and, where possible, sufficient surplus to sell for profit on the market. In so doing they not only perpetuated and intensified types of environmental exploitation already operating in Natal, but also initiated new ones. Over a period of twenty-five years, the comparatively small settler population was responsible for the irreversible transformation of the landform and mineral resources, flora and fauna of Natal. This thesis details the changes the settlers caused, on a regjon-by-region basis, but lack of evidence in some areas - despite extensive research - has resulted in several lacunae in the overall picture. However, as the conclusion shows, the general pattern of exploitation of the Natal settlers was not unique, but in fact mirrored that of settler societies in Australia and North America. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1978.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: History is often manipulated to achieve contemporary goals. Writing or narrating history is not merely a recoding or a narration of objective facts, but a value-laden process often conforming to the goals of the writer or narrator. This study examines the ways in which the history of the Mabudu chiefdom has been manipulated to achieve political goals. Through an analysis of the history of the Mabudu chiefdom and the manner in which that history has been represented, this study illustrates that history is not merely a collection of verifiable facts, but rather a collection of stories open to interpretation and manipulation. In the middle of the eighteenth century the Mabudu or Mabudu-Tembe was the strongest political and economic unit in south-east Africa. Their authority only declined with state formation amongst the Swazi and Zulu in the early nineteenth century. Although the Zulu never defeated the Mabudu, the Mabudu were forced to pay tribute to the Zulu. In the 1980s the Prime Minister of KwaZulu, Mangusotho Buthelezi, used this fact as proof that the people of Maputaland (Mabudu-land) should be part of the Zulu nation-state. By the latter part of the nineteenth century Britain, Portugal and the South African Republic laid claim to Maputaland. In 1875 the French President arbitrated in the matter and drew a line along the current South Africa/ Mozambique border that would divide the British and French spheres of influence in south-east Africa. The line cut straight through the Mabudu chiefdom. In 1897 Britain formally annexed what was then called AmaThongaland as an area independent of Zululand, which was administered as ‘trust land’ for the Mabudu people. When deciding on a place for the Mabudu in its Grand Apartheid scheme, the South African Government ignored the fact that the Mabudu were never defeated by the Zulu or incorporated into the Zulu Empire. Until the late 1960s the government recognised the people of Maputaland as ethnically Tsonga, but in 1976 Maputaland was incorporated into the KwaZulu Homeland and the people classified as Zulu. In 1982 the issue was raised again when the South African Government planned to cede Maputaland to Swaziland. The government and some independent institutions launched research into the historic and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Based on the same historical facts, contrasting claims were made about the historical and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Maputaland remained part of KwaZulu and is still claimed by the Zulu king as part of his kingdom. The Zulu use the fact that the Mabudu paid tribute in the 1800s as evidence of their dominance. The Mabudu, on the other hand, use the same argument to prove their independence, only stating that tribute never meant subordination, but only the installation of friendly relations. This is a perfect example of how the same facts can be interpreted differently to achieve different goals and illustrates that history cannot be equated with objective fact.

Thesis (MA)-- University Stellenbosch, 1993. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Johann Theophilus Hahn, seun van die Rynse sendeling, J. -Samuel Hahn, is gebore op die sendingstasie Ebenhaeser (Lutzville) op 24 Desember 1842. As 'n seun op die sendingstasies Ebenaeser en Bethanien en Berseba in Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie), het hy geleer om die verskillende Khoisandialekte te praat. Ter wille van sy kinders se akademiese opleiding het Samuel Hahn in 1852 na Duitsland teruggekeer. Daar het Theophilus hornas uitstaande student bewys en in 1870 het hy sy doktorsgraad verwerf met die proefskrif Die - Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. Terwyl hy aan die universiteit van Halle studeer het, het hy 'n aantal etnologiese artikels oor die inheemse volkere van Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie) geskryf. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika in 1871, het hy 'n handelaar in Suidwes-Afrika geword. Na sy huwelik in 1875 met Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts het hy in Rehoboth gaan bly en aldaar 'n handelsaak begin. Hahn het Suidwes-Afrika in 1878 verlaat, nadat dit duidelik geword het dat die Kaapse regering se entoesiasme vir optrede noord van die Oranjerivier afgeneem het, as gevolg van sy militere probleme op die oosgrens, in Griekwaland-Wes en Basoetoland. Hy het daarna by sy broer Johannes, wat Rynse sendeling op Stellenbosch was, gaan woon. Aldaar het hy die eerste landkaart van Suidwes-Afrika, Original map of Namaqualand and Damaraland, voltooi. In 1881 is hy as regeringsfiloloog en bewaarder van die Grey-versameling in die Suid-Afrikaanse Openbare Biblioteek (Suid-Afrikaanse Biblioteek) aangestel. Sy aanstelling het veroorsaak dat die Hooggeregshof deur die Grey-trustees versoek is om die versameling aan hulle oor te dra en om Hahn te verbied om met die Grey-versameling in te meng. Die applikasie is deur die Hooggeregshof van die hand gewys. Terwyl hy vir die Kaapse regering gewerk het, het hy aan die Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission inligting omtrent die Nama- en Herero-kultuur verskaf. Hierdie kommissie was deur die Kaapse regering aangestel om inligting aangaande die wette en gewoontes van die inheemse volkere in te win en om verslag te doen aangaande die wesenlikheid van die instelling van 'n soort stelsel van plaaslike selfregering in die swart gebiede. Vanaf sy plaas Prospect Hill het Hahn 'n brief geskryf aan die agent van Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, waarin hy waardevolle inligting oor die moontlikhede van Suidwes-Afrika gemeld het en het aan die hand gegee dat LlideritzAngra Pequena (Llideritzbaai)vir handeldoeleindes moes bekom. In 1883 het hy as regeringsfiloloog en Grey-bibliotekaris bedank en het toe die plaasbestuurder van Welmoed, in die distrik van Stellenbosch, geword. As wynboer het hy voorgestel dat n kooperasie vir die produsering van wyn gestig word, asook spoediger optrede met die bestryding van die fillokseraplaag. Met Hahn se hulp het die Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, 'n maatskappy wat in Londen gebaseer was, in 1890 belangrike konsessies van die Bondelswart- en Velskoendraerkapteins in Suidwes-Afrika bekom. Dit was 'n monopolie vir die eksploitering van minerale, regte om handel te dryf en om spoorwee aan te le~ Na die regte van hierdie sindikaat aan die South African Territories Company .oorgedra is, het Hahn weer Suidwes-Afrika verlaat en die plaas Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) by Stellenbosch gekoop. Sy pogings om te boer het misluk en die plaas is na sy bankrotskap aan Cecil John Rhodes verkoop. Daarna het hy agent vir Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg geword. Terwyl hy by Markstraat 206, Johannesburg gewoon het, het hy onsuksesvol aansoek gedoen om as spioen vir die Britse Militere Regering op te tree. Hy het op 22 Januarie 1905 gesterf en is in die Braamfonteinse begraafplaas begrawe. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Johann Theophilus Hahn, son of the Rhenish missionary J. Samuel Hahn, was born at the mission station Ebenaeser (Lutzville) on 24 December 1842. As a boy at the mission stations Ebenaeser and Berseba and Bethanien in South West Africa (Namibia) he learned to speak the different Khoisan dialects. Samuel Hahn left for Germany in 1852, for the sake of his children~s academic training. There Theophilus proved himself as an outstanding student and he obtained his doctorate in 1870 on the dissertation Die Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. While studying at the University of Halle he published a number of ethnological studies relating to the aborigines of South West Africa (Namibia). On his return to South Africa, he became a trader in South West Africa. After his marriage in 1875 to Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts he settled at Rehoboth, where he started a trading business. Hahn left South West Africa in 1878, after it became clear that the Cape Government's enthusiasm for action north of the Orange River waned, as a result of its own military burdens on the eastern border, in Griqualand West and Basutoland. He went to live with his brother Johannes, a Rhenish missionary at Stellenbosch, where he completed the first map of South West Africa - Original map of Namagualand and Damaraland. In 1881 he was appointed as government philologist and custodian of the Grey Collection in the South African Public Library. His appointment as Grey custodian gave rise to an application to the Supreme Court to have the care and custody of the Grey Collection given up to the Grey Trustees and for an interdict to restrain Hahn from interfering with the Grey Collection. This application by the Grey Trustees was refused by the Supreme Court. In 1883 he provided the Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission information regarding the Nama and Herero cultures. This commission was directed by the Cape Government to enquire into the laws and customs of the Blacks and to report on the advisability of introducing some system of local self-government in the Black territories. While living at his farm Prospect Hill, he wrote a letter to the agent of Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, in which he supplied valuable information about the prospects of South West Africa and suggested that Llideritzacquire Angra Pequena (LlideritzBay) as a harbour for trading purposes. He resigned as philologist and Grey Librarian in 1883 and became the manager of the farm Welmoed, in the district of Stellenbosch. As a wine-farmer he proposed the establishing of a co-operative for the production of wine, also prompt action for combating the phylloxera disease. With the assistance of Hahn the mining company Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, a company based in London, obtained in 1890 important concessions from the chiefs of Bondelswart and Veldskoendraers - a monopoly for the exploitation of minerals, rights to trade and to contruct railways. After the syndicate transfered its rights to the South African Territories Company, he left South West Africa and bought th farm Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) at Stellenbosch. His farming attempts proved a disaster and his farm was sold to Cecil John Rhodes. He became an agent for the Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg and while residing at 206 Market Street he offered to act as a spy for the British Military Government. This was declined. He died on 22 January 1905 and was buried in the Braamfontein cemetery.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This thesis investigates the production of different forms of Afrikaner ‘femininity’ at the Huguenot Seminary and College in Wellington, between 1873 and 1910. Founded by Andrew Murray, the moderator of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), specifically to train Dutch-Afrikaner girls as teachers and missionaries, the school was based on a model of women’s education developed at the Mount Holyoke Seminary in Connecticut and the majority of the teachers who worked at Huguenot until the 1920s were thus American-born and trained. The Huguenot Seminary proved to be an enormous success: it was constantly in need of extra room to house its overflow of pupils, the girls came near the top of the Colony’s teaching examinations from 1875 onwards, and its associated College – founded in 1898 – was one of the first institutions in South Africa where young women could study for university degrees. It had a profound impact on the lives of a considerable proportion of white, bourgeois Dutch-Afrikaner – and English-speaking – women during this period of rapid and wide-ranging transformation in South African society and politics. This thesis evaluates the extent to and manner in which Huguenot created particular Afrikaner ‘femininities’. The discussion begins with an exploration of the relationship between the Seminary, the Mount Holyoke system of girls’ education, and the DRC’s evangelicalism during the religious ‘revivals’ sweeping the Cape Colony in 1874-1875 and 1884-1885, paying particular attention to the teachers’ attempts to foster a quasi-religious community at the Seminary, and to the pupils’ responses to the school’s intense religiosity. It moves on to a discussion of the discourses surrounding the ideal of the educated woman that arose in the Seminary and College’s annuals between 1895 and 1910, identifying three key forms of ‘femininity’ promoted in magazines’ articles, short stories, and poetry. Finally, the thesis examines the impact of the growth of an Afrikaner ethnicity (specifically in the form of the First Afrikaans Language Movement), the South African War (1899-1902), and Alfred Milner’s South Africanism, on the ‘femininity’ espoused by the Seminary and College between 1874 and 1910.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / In this research the early development of the Black Sash is briefly explored, together with how it altered over time. Changes in the internal structures and its effect on the membership are benchmarked, together with the reasons and reasoning that compelled the organization to undertake a complete restructuring. An in-depth study is made of the disorientation brought about by the collapse of apartheid. Particular attention is paid to the resistance to, and ultimate acceptance of, the inevitability of offering a professionalized service. Attention is focused on the relationship between the Black Sash as a white women’s protest movement and the wider white community, content in the main to support apartheid. The degree to which the Black Sash was accepted by the black community as an equal partner in the struggle for a democratic South Africa is discussed and the criteria by which the organization has been evaluated. In addition, liberalism, per se, is evaluated from a “grassroots” perspective. From 1973, socio-economic developments in the wider society saw many Black Sash members returning to the workplace. This left them with little or no time to offer the organization during formal working hours. In order for the work to continue, paid staff had to be employed to augment the volunteer component. During the 1986 States of Emergency, members of banned organizations joined the Black Sash, and it became an amalgam of different views, generations and political opinion. This represented a significant ontological shift and altered its character in the eyes of the public, but also created internal fissures. The focus of this research is on the response of the Black Sash and its membership to the changing environment in which it was forced to function. By the 1980s, members were finding it difficult to relate to the new protest movements that were rapidly gaining black support and the black on black violence. Ultimately, except for its service arm, namely the advice offices, it emerged as an organization in limbo, appealing neither to the white minority nor the black majority. Women from other race groups, whose membership would have corrected the demographic imbalance, were reluctant to join a predominantly white organization with a tangible camaraderie, built up over the years as a result of members’ shared backgrounds and experiences. This threatened its effectiveness as an advocacy group, and access to the funding that was a vital element in its survival. Structural changes offered the only solution. One of the intentions of this research is to draw attention to the reinvented Black Sash Trust. As a multi-racial, multi-gender, professionalized NGO, managed and staffed by salaried personnel of all age groups, with minimal white volunteer input, it has replaced the two-tiered membership based structure, with a semiprofessional service arm. Having redefined its role and as the end product of slow, almost imperceptible but unavoidable innovations over time, it is developing its own identity, which encompasses much of the original Black Sash ethos.