Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to identify and analyse conspiracy narratives as popular counter-knowledge and as alternatives to leftist discourse and explanations of the contradictions of a capitalist system in a systemic crisis. The study makes a distinction between pathological and cultural approaches to conspiracy theories. While pathological approaches critically assess conspiracy theories as expressions of a certain political paranoia, cultural approaches are more inclusive and view conspiracy theory as cultural expressions of the postmodern condition. The cultural understandings break the categorical link between conspiracy theories and irrationality and allows a further discussion on how conspiracy theories might relate to leftist discourse and its attempts to counter neoliberal hegemonic structures. The approach taken by the study relies on the theoretical framework of historical materialism. Key theories used derive from Karl Marx, along with Gramscian, World Systems theory and critical approaches to global political economy. In the historical analysis that was performed, the understanding of structures in the historical development of the world economy, as well as the role of social forces which lead to changes in these structures were shown to be better approaches for understanding both historical events and the current crisis in the capitalist system. However, even within the opportune movement of an on-going capitalist crisis, the Left struggles to create a consistent counter-hegemonic narrative, and current counter-hegemonic movements, whilst being influential, are not succeeding in being transformative This suggests that leftist discourse fails to address the micro-level manifestations of the contradictions of the current system in a way that appeals to the masses. Accordingly, conspiracy theories as frameworks from which to critique the current global political economy are discussed. It is argued that although conspiracy theories are essentially reactionary, as well as historically a product of the far right, these theories might be understood as allegorical narrative constructs that serve as tools of orientation in a confusing political reality and, as such, the label of irrationality should not be applied without further consideration. It is further suggested that there is a proximity between various critical perspectives and conspiracy theories, although it is not implied that there is an exchange of ideas. It is argued that strands of critical theory and conspiracy theory share certain convictions about how the social world is constructed. While leftist/critical discourse relies on a scientific historical analysis, conspiracy discourses are often categorised lacking in scientific support. Critical theoretical perspectives are therefore suggested as the most effective remedy against utopian and simplistic narratives. While the thesis does not challenge the appropriateness of Marxist/critical perspectives at explaining economic crisis and global inequity, it aims at discussing the popularity of conspiracy theories as, for many, preferable tools of orientation in the present times. While political scientific theories and conspiracy theories are generally understood as in essence incompatible, this thesis attempted to discuss and analyse whether this established view could be challenged in light of recent scholarship on conspiracy culture. The study concludes that Marxist/critical approaches should understand conspiracy theories as alternative counter-knowledge and as popular doorways into major social issues that define global political culture, which could actually complement traditional leftist discourse. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om sameswerings-verhale as populêre teen-kennis en as alternatiewe vir linkse diskoers en verklarings van die teenstrydighede van ’n kapitalistiese stelsel wat ’n sistemiese krisies beleef, te identifiseer en te analiseer. Die studie onderskei tussen patalogiese en kulturele benaderings tot samesweringsteorieë. Patologiese benaderinge raam samesweringsteorieë krities as uitdrukkings van bepaalde politieke paranoia, terwyl kulturele benaderinge meer inklusief is, samesweringsteorie beskou as ’n kulturele uitdrukking van die postmoderne toestand. Die kulturele begrip breek die kategoriese skakel tussen samesweringsteorieë en irrasionaliteit en fasiliteer nog ’n gesprek oor hoe hierdie teorieë moontlik verwant sou kon wees aan linkse diskoers, asook laasgenoemde se pogings om neoliberale hegemoniese strukture teen te staan. Die benadering wat gevolg word in die studie steun op die teoretiese raamwerk van historiese materialisme. Die vernaamste vertrekpunte wat gebruik word is afgelei van Karl Marx, tesame met Gramsciaanse, Wêreldstelsel-teorie en kritiese benaderings tot globale politieke ekonomie. In die historiese analiese wat onderneem is, word gedemonstreer dat ’n begrip van strukture in die historiese ontwikkeling van die wêreld-ekonomie, asook die rol van sosiale magte wat verandering in hierdie strukture meebring, beter verklarings bied vir beide historiese gebeure en die teenswoordige krisies in die kapitalistiese stelsel. Nietemin, selfs met die geleenthede wat geskep word te midde van die aangaande kapitalistiese krisies, sukkel Linksgesindes om ’n konsekwente teen-hegemoniese “verhaal” te skep. Kontemporêre teen-hegemoniese bewegings, ongeag hul skynbare invloed, slaag nie daarin om verandering te weeg te bring nie. Dit wil voorkom asof linkse diskoers nie daarin slaag om die manifistering van die teenswoordige stelsel se teenstrydighede aan te spreek op ’n wyse wat aanklank vind by die massas nie. Dienooreenkomstig word samesweringsteorieë bespreek as raamwerke vanwaar en waaruit die huidige globale politieke ekonomie gekritiseer kan word. Die argument word aangevoer dat, alhoewel hierdie teorieë essensieel reaksionêr is, asook histories gesien ’n verregse produk, hulle moontlik verstaan kan word as allegoriese verhaal konstrukte wat dien as middele vir orientasie in ’n verwarrende politieke werklikheid. As sulks, behoort die etiket van irrasionaliteit nie sondermeer en onkrities aan hulle toegedien te word nie. Verder, word daar in die studie voorgestel, dat daar raakpunte is tussen verskeie kritiese perspektiewe en samesweringsteorieë. Daar word egter nie gesuggereer dat daar ’n uitruil van idees is nie. Daar word egter wel ge-argumenteer dat daar elemente van kritiese teorieë en samesweringsteorieë is wat bepaalde oortuiginge deel oor hoe die sosiale werklikheid gevorm word. Terwyl linkse en kritiese diskoers gekoppel is aan wetenskaplike-historiese analise, word samesweringsdiskoerse gekategoriseer as verklarings wat gebrek lei aan wetenskaplike ondersteuning. Kritiese teoretiese perspektiewe word dus voorgehou as die mees effektiewe oplossing teen utopieseen simplistiese narratiewe. Terwyl die tesis nie die toepasbaarheid van Marxistiese/Kritiese perspektiewe, as verklarings vir die ekonomiese krisies en globale ongelykheid, uitdaag nie, het dit gepoog om die populariteit van samesweringsteorieë, as voorkeur raamwerke vir orientering in teenswoordige tye, aan te spreek. Die tesis het onderneem om vas te stel en te analiseer of die algemeen aanvaarde aanname dat politiek wetenskaplike teorieë en samesweringsteorieë essensieel onversoenbaar is, uitgedaag kan word, gesien in die lig van onlangse akademiese werk oor samesweringskultuur. Die studie bevind dat Marxistiese/kritiese benaderings samesweringsteorieë behoort te verstaan as alternatiewe teen-kennis en as populêre ingangspunte tot belangrike sosiale kwessies wat die globale politieke kultuur definieer. In die sin, sou samesweringsteorieë selfs tradisionele linkse diskoers kon aanvul.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the rise of the modern corporation in the late 19th century, the debate on the relationship between business and society has flourished, and the negative impact of businesses became evident as the number and scale of large corporations increased. As a result of the globalization of trade and economic activity, regulating and auditing multinational companies have become both more important and more problematic. Along with the new challenges to be met by companies operating in foreign countries, these factors have resulted in a greater demand for corporate social responsibility (CSR). Originating as an Anglo-American management idea, CSR has spread and become a well-established tool for businesses worldwide. In today’s global capitalist system, characterized by open markets, it is widely acknowledged that it is the role of the state to establish the preconditions for the proper functioning of markets by defining legal rules, establishing enforcement bodies, and providing public goods. However, many corporations choose to go beyond the required regulatory levels and voluntarily engage in CSR. Studies of CSR have long been dominated by business and economic scholars, usually with the aim to confirming or denying CSR as a tool for profit-maximization, and until the last decade, social and political scientists have shown little interest in CSR. From a political science view, the relation between the state, markets and corporations is of interest, but few studies have investigated how political institutions influence corporate behavior. This study has therefore researched the institutional determinants of CSR by analyzing the efforts and the role of the Norwegian government in promoting CSR in the shipping industry. The White Paper on CSR was used as guide to the government’s approach to CSR, and was analyzed in light of the specific CSR challenges faced in the shipping industry. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology and case study research design was adopted to provide in-depth information. New institutional theory and comparative political economy provided the theoretical framework for the study, and helped in answering the main research question: What is the role of the Norwegian government, as a political institution, in promoting CSR in the Norwegian shipping industry? as well as the sub-questions. The study identified both strengths and weaknesses in the government’s role as CSR promoter, and argued that the predominantly international focus of the White Paper is suitable for globally oriented industries, like shipping, while reducing its relevance for nationally oriented firms. The study further found that the government as institution provides the industry with CSR incentives, other than financial ones, as it sets the standards for what is perceived as modern and just corporate behavior. In addition, CSR in the shipping industry was found to take an explicit form, and to reflect the national institutional environment. The findings stand in contrast to the way in which the above-mentioned theories expect CSR to take shape in coordinated market economies. In broader sense, the findings affect the perception of the relationship between CSR as a management tool and strategy, and CSR as a political and regulatory tool that may be used actively by authorities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die opkoms van die moderne korporasie in die laat 19de eeu, het die debat oor die verhouding tussen besigheid en samelewing floreer terwyl die negatiewe impak van besighede sigbaar geword het soos die aantal en omvang van groot korporasies toegeneem het. As gevolg van die globalisering van handel en ekonomiese aktiwiteit, het die regulerende en multinasionale ouditeringsmaatskappye beide belangrik en meer problematies geword. Tesame met die nuwe uitdagings wat maatskappye in vreemde lande moet ontmoet, het hierdie faktore aanleiding gegee tot ‘n groter vraag na korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV). KSV het sy oorsprong as ‘n Anglo-Amerikaanse bestuursidee gehad en het ‘n goed gevestigde hulpmiddel vir besighede wêreldwyd geword terwyl dit ook versprei het. In vandag se globale kapitalistiese sisteem wat deur oop markte gekenmerk word, word dit wydverspreid erken dat dit die rol van die staat is om voorwaardes vir die behoorlike funksionering van markte te vestig deur regsreëls te definieer, handhawingsliggame te vestig en publieke goedere te verskaf. Baie korporasies verkies egter om verder as die vereiste regulerende vlakke en vrywillige deelname in KSV te gaan. Studies van die KSV is vir lank oorheers deur besigheid- en ekonomiese geleerdes wat gewoonlik die doel gehad het om die KSV te bevestig of te ontken as ‘n hulpmiddel vir wins-maksimalisering, en tot en met die laaste dekade het sosiale en politieke wetenskaplikes min belangstelling in die KSV getoon. Uit die Politieke Wetenskaplike oogpunt is die verhouding tussen die staat, markte en korporasies van belang terwyl min studies al ondersoek het hoe politieke instellings korporatiewe gedrag beïnvloed. Hierdie studie het dus die bepalende faktore van die KSV nagevors deur die pogings en die rol van die Noorweegse regering in die bevordering van KSV in die skeepsvaart te analiseer. Die Witskrif op KSV is gebruik as ‘n gids vir die regering se benadering tot die KSV, en is ontleed in die lig van die spesifieke KSV uitdagings wat in die seevaart industrie in die gesig gestaar word. Vir hierdie doeleinde is ‘n kwalitatiewe metodologie en gevallestudie navorsingsontwerp aangeneem om in-diepte inligting te verskaf. Nuwe institusionele teorie en vergelykende politieke ekonomie het die teoretiese raamwerk vir die studie verskaf en het gehelp in die beantwoording van die hoof navorsingsvraag: Wat is die rol van die Noorweegse regering, as ‘n politieke instelling, in die bevordering van KSV in die Noorweegse seevaart industrie? Sowel as die sub-vrae. Hierdie studie het beide sterkpunte en swakpunte in die regering se role as KSV promotor identifiseer en het geargumenteer dat die oorwegende internasionale fokus van die Wit Skrif geskik is vir globaal georiënteerde industrieë soos seevaart, terwyl die toepaslikheid van nasionaal oriënteerde firmas verminder is. Die studie het verder bevind dat die regering as instelling KSV insentiewe aan die industrie anders as finansiële verskaf het, deur dat dit die standaarde stel vir wat gesien word as moderne en regverdige korporatiewe gedrag. Daar is verder bevind dat die KSV ‘n eksplesiete vorm aangeneem het in die seevaart industrie om die nasionale institusionele omgewing te vertoon. Die bevindings staan egter in teenstelling tot die manier waarop die bogenoemde teorieë van die KSV verwag om vorm aan te neem in gekoördineerde mark ekonomieë. In die breër sin beïnvloed die bevindings die siening van die verhouding tussen KSV as ‘n bestuur hulpmiddel en strategie en KSV as ‘n politieke en regulerende hulpmiddel wat aktief deur owerhede gebruik kan word.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Kurds, numbering somewhat 40 million, are the largest stateless nation worldwide. As smaller minorities, they are mainly spread in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey in the Middle East. The Kurdish claims for self-determination have been a century-long struggle, and at the moment only the Kurds in north-Iraq have achieved the establishment of the semi-autonomous territory of Kurdistan, and the Kurds in Syria have autonomous control over the Kurdish region. Iran and Turkey with their significant Kurdish communities have not been successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of selfdetermination in an efficient and structural manner. This thesis assessed the possibilities of a successful implementation of a federal model in Iran and Turkey in order to address the Kurdish claims for self-determination. The main finding of this thesis is that the current political atmosphere in each country is not ready to make the necessary accommodations, as the transition to a federal system requires, and consequently will not be successful in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. In Iran, it is found that the union between religion and politics, and consequently, the controlled nature of the theocratic system, will not accommodate for a society along federalist principles in which rule is divided amongst groups in society. In Turkey, it is found that while the political rule in Turkey is different from that in Iran, it is however believed that not even a possible transition to a direct Presidential system will change the governments fears of separatism, or the constitutional constraints which further hinders a federal transition. As seen from the assessment of the case studies, a federal implementation is not foreseen in Iran and Turkey within the nearest future, and will subsequently fail in addressing the Kurdish claims of self-determination. A transition of this manner requires dedication and willingness, and this research presents recommendations for the road towards a federalist political arrangement and greater Kurdish self-determination in order to reach a peaceful solution to the century-long Kurdish issue. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koerde wat 40 miljoen lede het is die grootste staatlose nasie in die wêreld. Hulle word hoofsaaklik in Iran, Irak, Sirië en Turkye in die Midde-Ooste aangetref. Die Koerde se aanspraak vir selfbeskikking is ‘n eeue-lange stryd: op die oomblik het slegs die Koerde in Noord-Irak die vestiging van die semi-outonome gebied van Kurdistan terwyl die Koerde in Sirië outonome beheer het oor die Koerdiese gebied. Beide Iran en Turkye het aansienlike Koerdiese gemeenskappe, maar was onsuksesvol om die Koerdiese se aanspraak op selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Hierdie tesis assesseer die moontlikheid vir die suksesvolle implimentering van ‘n federale model in Iran en Irak om die Koerdiese aanspraak vir selfbeskikking aan te spreek. Die hoof bevinding van hierdie tesis is dat die huidige politieke klimaat in elkeen van hierdie lande ongunstig is: hierdie lande is nie gereed om die oorgang tot ‘n federale sisteem te maak nie, en sal gevolglik onsuksesvol wees in die aanspreek van Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. In Iran is daar geen onderskeid tussen godsdiens en politiek nie: die streng beheerde teokratiese sisteem sal nie die ontwikkeling van ‘n samelewing langs federale beginsels toelaat waar mag tussen verskillende groepe in die samelewing verdeel is nie. In Turkye waar die politieke sisteem verskil van dié van Iran, sal ‘n moontlike oorgang na ‘n Presidensiële sisteem nie die vrese van separatisme verander of die grondwetlike beperkings verander wat ‘n federale oorgang verhinder nie. Soos uit die gevallestudies blyk kan ‘n federale sisteem nie in die nabye toekoms in Turkye en Iran voorsien word nie en sal hierdie lande gevolglik misluk in die aanspreek van die Koerdiese aanspraak op selfbeskikking. ‘n Politieke oorgang van hierdie soort benodig toewyding en bereidwilligheid, en hierdie navorsing stel aanbevelings voor vir die pad na ‘n federale politiese ooreenkoms en groter Koerdiese selfbeskikking. Dit is nodig indien ‘n vreedsame oplossing vir die eeuelange Koerdiese kwessie gevind moet word.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This thesis takes as its point of departure the problem that the disciplined study of International Relations (IR), whose very basis of existence makes claims towards universality and international applicability, is seen by some to push pertinent issues relating to the majority of the world’s population to the periphery of its enquiry. It begins by exploring the concept “Third World”, arguing for its continued relevance in the post- Cold War arena as generalised term when referring to the “majority of the world’s population”. It is then theorised that one can parallel the marginalisation of the Third World in the global political economy with a perceived marginalisation of a “Third World academic” in the discipline of IR. By making use of both quantitative and qualitative methods, the thesis investigates the production of knowledge within the discipline of IR theory to argue that a possible root cause for the above problem could be the absence of Third World academic contributions to the core of the discipline. Embarking from the notion that IR theory is dominated by a British-American condominium of authorship, by re-interpreting the data provided by Ole Waever on academic contributions to leading IR journals, the researcher concludes that “Third World academics” find themselves on the periphery of knowledge production within the discipline of IR and are therefore dependent on the core to construct knowledge. A brief critical look at the history of the social sciences dominated by Western science as a hegemonic and specific “ethnoscience” furthermore puts into context the development of IR as a conversation dominated by voices from the First World academic community. With reference to the concepts of “responsibility” and “reflexivity” as they relate to theory, it is proposed that the development of IR as a discipline can be equated to a dialogue/conversation rather than a debate. For the dialogue to be responsible, all voices should be considered valid contributors, while all contributors should themselves act responsibly by being selfreflexive. Ultimately, although the discipline of IR must open up to contributions from the Third World, for the development of a truly global discipline that reflects the diversity of global interactions, it is necessary for academics from the Third World to establish themselves within the discourse by producing valuable contributions towards advancing the discipline as a whole and stepping out of the periphery by realising the importance of teaching and understanding “theory”.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / The African Renaissance, which has its origins in the 1960s during the de-colonization period of Africa, is about transformation, an African continent reinvention that pleads for renewed autonomy and Africa’s own effort to take its intellectual destiny. Africa is beset with a massive amount of problems, and the African Renaissance in general is trying to address these issues and find a solution to all these problems. It has been seen as a call for the people of Africa to work towards the resurgence of Africa, economically, sociologically, politically and spiritually. President Mbeki of South Africa sets the tone for the African Renaissance project and its implementation, but the vision is for the rest of Africa that must equally own the concept and actively fuel its realization. The African Renaissance has limitations in that not all African countries have embraced it, or are passionate as other countries are. Still, most people in the continent do not understand the concept the African Renaissance as it has found them in conditions that are still disadvantageous to them and are grappling with other issues of life. Most importantly, it is not inclusive of women despite the fact that they constitute a clear numerical majority on the African continent. There is no significant cultural renaissance that can take place while sectors of the population under transformation are victims of silencing. Looking at the position of women in Africa and their development, it is important to understand what the implication of gender is in this discourse. Also, why has the African Renaissance not included women and lastly, that can it hold as a discourse of renewal without the voice of women? The African Renaissance has come to epitomize the democratization of the African continent, therefore, the voice of women and the role that gender must play, should be of great importance.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aimed to look at non-interference as a doctrine in China’s Africa Policy. This involved looking at the non-interference principle in general, not only in Beijing’s policies. The non-interference principle as contained in the policies of the African Union, United Nations and in the policies of Western and Asian states were discussed, noting a gradual shift away from strict non-interference towards non-indifference and humanitarian intervention. Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference, on the other hand, is based on respect for the sovereignty of other states and a belief that, unless requested, no state should interfere in the domestic affairs of another state. The doctrine of non-interference, as understood by Beijing was then applied to the crisis in Darfur. In the case of Darfur, Beijing initially adhered to its understanding of non-interference, in spite of criticism that its behaviour was based solely on China’s own interests. China initially ignored international expectations to intervene in the affairs of Khartoum. In fact, Beijing continued to support Khartoum and abstained from UN Security Council resolutions on the matter. Initially the government in Beijing was not willing to make any adjustments to the non-interference doctrine, as the situation in Darfur did not seem to present any reason for Beijing to disregard its own policies. Yet Beijing gradually shifted in non-interference; seen in its pressure on Khartoum to allow the AU/UN hybrid peacekeeping force. The reasons for the shift are ascribed to various factors ranging from international pressure and even the possible reputational risk. China managed to balance its economic and political interests in Sudan with its duties and expectations of the Security Council. At the same time, Beijing continued to protect the sovereignty of the Khartoum government by adhering to its beliefs of the right of the state. The subtle shift away from Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference can be seen as China changing its non-interference doctrine to suit its new role in the international community. It can also be seen as China still adhering to the non-interference doctrine, as it places emphasis on avoiding sanctions and still requires permission from the host state for external intervention. Another key element is that it adapted when its interests were at risk. It would seem probable that this trend will continue, resulting rather in Beijing implementing a form of ‘pro-active non-interference’ based on the situation. Such a position would indicate a shift in the doctrine of non-interference based on the situation and pressure, but according to certain core values of Beijing. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorser het ondersoek ingestel na die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit in China se Afrika-beleid vervat word. Die nietussenkomsbeginsel soos geformuleer in die beleidsdokumente van die Afrika-unie (AU), Verenigde Nasies (VN), en in die beleidsdokumente van die Westerse en Oosterse state is ook ondersoek. Die wegbeweging van die streng toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling na ’n beleid van onverskilligheid en tussenkoms wat gebaseer is op die beskerming van menseregte was ’n geleidelike proses. Beijing se konvensionele begrip van hierdie beginsel was volgehou met die verstand dat soewereiiteit van ander state gerespekteer moet word en state nie moet inmeng by die interne sake van ander state nie, behalwe wanneer dit versoek word. Die klem word in beleidsdokumente eerder gelê op respek, gelykheid, samewerking en wedersydse voordeel. Die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit verstaan word deur Beijing word ondersoek aan die hand van die Dafoer-krisis. Dit toon Beijing het aanvanklik volgehou met die toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling in China se buitelandsse beleid en optrede, ten spyte van die aantuigings dat hierdie gedrag slegs ter wille van eie belang is. Beijing het haar aanvanklik nie aan die internasionale gemeenskap se verwagting om in te gryp by die sake van Khartoum gesteur nie; China het aangehou om Khartoum te ondersteun en van die VN-veiligheidsraad te weerhou rakende hierdie kwessie. Beijing se optrede teenoor Khartoum het met tyd verander. Sjinese verteenwoordigers het druk op Khartoum begin plaas in 2006 om AU/VN-magte in Darfoer toe te laat. Verskeie redes kan aangevoer word hoekom Beijing uiteindelik haar beleid aangepas het. Van hierdie redes sluit in internasionale druk en die moontlikheid vir China om nie meer as gasheerland vir die Olimpiese Spele in 2008 op te tree nie. Dit kom voor of China daarin geslaag het om die land se ekonomiese en politiese belange in Soedan te balanseer met die verwagtinge wat ander lande van China as ’n permanente VN-lid gehad het. Beijing het gepoog om in so ’n mate in te gryp dat Khartoum se soewereiniteit steeds gerespekteer word. Aan die hand van hierdie subtiele veranderinge in China se beleid en optrede, kan die afleiding gemaak word dat Beijing nie die nietussenkomsleerstelling streng toegepas het nie, maar na die Darfoer-krisis eerder neig na ’n proaktiewe toepassing van die nietuseenkomsleerstelling. Byvoorbeeld, Beijing keur steeds nie die instelling van sanksies goed nie en vereis dat soewereinitiet van state gerespekteer word. Dit blyk dat China die buitelandse beleid aangepas het om steeds die land se belange te beskerm en om te voldoen aan die internasionale vereistes. Hierdie meer proaktiewe optrede blyk om net in sekere gevalle toegepas te word. Daar word bevind dat daar ’n aanpassing van die is met betrekking tot die oorspronklike posisie van die nietussenkomsleerstelling. Beijing sal egter voortgaan om getrou te wees aan aspekte van die oorspronklike leerstelling.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Empirical research on the impact of membership in voluntary associations as a dimension of social capital on political participation has been conducted in a number of countries in Europe as well as North America. With the aid of quantitative analysis of survey data, these studies found that members of voluntary associations were more likely to participate both formally and informally in their country’s political processes than those who were not members. This was due to the role played by voluntary associations in the generation of human capital in the form of self-efficacy and participatory skills or values, as well as bridging social capital in the form of increased networking and trust. Existing research by Marion Keim, Cora Burnett and others have indicated that social capital, and particularly the voluntary association of sport, can have a profound societal impact on South African communities. However, no quantitative study has been conducted on the relationship between membership in voluntary associations and the level of formal political participation in the South African context. Therefore, this study applied the social capital theory as developed in the literature on European and North American studies to the South African context in order to determine whether there is a relationship between the variables of membership in voluntary associations, membership in multiple associations, membership in sports as a voluntary association and the level of formal political participation. Using quantitative methodology, a cross-section of 2006 World Values Survey data was analysed. The findings indicated that the social capital theory on political participation did not apply to the South African context in the same way as to the European or North American contexts due to explanatory differences in South Africa’s socio-political climate. Questions were then raised over whether, due to South Africa’s current political culture, membership in voluntary associations is conducive to encouraging informal channels of participation. The findings reached had implications for social capital theory by indicating its uneven application to the South African context. Moreover, the study highlighted the need for a more context-specific understanding of social capital and its impact upon South Africa’s political processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Empiriese navorsing oor die uitwerking van lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings as 'n dimensie van maatskaplike kapitaal op politieke deelname is in 'n aantal lande in Europa asook Noord-Amerika uitgevoer. Met behulp van kwantitatiewe analise van opname-data het hierdie studies bevind dat lede van vrywillige verenigings op beide formele en informele wyse meer geneig was om aan hulle land se politieke prosesse deel te neem as diegene wat nie lede was nie. Dit kon toegeskryf word aan die rol wat vrywillige verenigings speel by die ontwikkeling van menslike kapitaal in die vorm van selfwerksaamheid en deelnemende vaardighede of waardes, asook tussentydse maatskaplike kapitaal in die vorm van groter netwerkvorming en vertroue. Bestaande navorsing deur Marion Keim, Cora Burnett en ander het daarop gedui dat maatskaplike kapitaal, en in die besonder die vrywillige verbintenis van sport, 'n diepgaande uitwerking op Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe kan hê. Geen kwantitatiewe studie is egter nog oor die verhouding tussen lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings en die vlak van formele politieke deelname in die Suid-Afrikaanse opset uitgevoer nie. Hierdie studie het dus die maatskaplike kapitaalteorie soos in die literatuur oor Europese en Noord-Amerikaanse studies ontwikkel, op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset toegepas ten einde te bepaal of daar 'n verhouding tussen die veranderlikes van lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings, lidmaatskap aan veelvuldige verenigings, lidmaatskap aan sport as 'n vrywillige verbintenis en die vlak van formele politieke deelname bestaan. Met behulp van kwantitatiewe metodologie is 'n dwarssnit van data uit die 2006- Wêreldwaardes-peiling geanaliseer. Die bevindinge het daarop gedui dat die maatskaplike kapitaalteorie ten opsigte van politieke deelname nie op dieselfde wyse op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset as op die Europese of Noord- Amerikaanse opsette van toepassing is nie weens verklarende verskille in Suid-Afrika se sosiopolitieke klimaat. Vrae is toe gevra of lidmaatskap aan vrywillige verenigings weens Suid-Afrika se huidige politieke kultuur bevorderlik is vir die aanmoediging van informele kanale van deelname. Die bevindinge wat bereik is, het implikasies gehad vir maatskaplike kapitaalteorie deur die ongelyke aanwending op die Suid-Afrikaanse opset aan te dui. Daarbenewens het die studie die behoefte aan ’n meer konteks-spesifieke begrip van maatskaplike kapitaal en die uitwerking daarvan op Suid-Afrika se politieke prosesse beklemtoon.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory aspects. The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential multidimensional nature of peacekeeping. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent. Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine. Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan (AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Private military companies (PMCs)are increasing becoming involved in modern conflicts providing specialised skills such as combat services, planning, intelligence, training, support and technical assistance. They provide an alternative to weak state governments as Western governments have become increasingly reluctant to commit their troops to be involved in the civil conflicts of the developing world. Supporters of the employment of private forces see them as an effective solution to this combination of need from conflict-ridden weak states and reluctance of Western governments and international organisations to intervene in these conflicts ...