Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The point of departure for this study was the wide-ranging furore in media publications regarding the pervasive decline in donor funding for civil society organisations in South Africa, as influenced by the recent global financial crisis, and the subsequent shutting down of a number of civil society organisations. The decision to embark on this study has its roots in the fact that civil society is an important feature in a democracy with regards to government responsiveness, accountability as well as citizen participation in democratic governance. In South Africa, particularly, this is important in light of the country’s fledgling democracy, and even more so, when considering the ruling party’s overwhelming political power resulting in a dominant party system. The aim of this study was to find out what accounts for the plummet in donor funding, and the overriding question guiding this study was: Has the global financial crisis influenced civil society in South Africa? The broader question asked was: What are the challenges facing civil society organisations in South Africa? This study aims to assist in the evaluation of the potential role that civil society has played and continues to play in South Africa’s young democracy and what the implications would be for democracy if civil society organisations were hampered in these roles and continued to close offices. This study is explorative in nature and relied on qualitative data obtained from in-depth interviews conducted with two prominent South African non-governmental organisations; namely the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign. A key informant was selected and interviewed from each organisation. The findings of the interviews were operationalised through the lenses of Andrew Heywood’s (2007) conceptual theoretical framework, which puts forward five resources that civil society organisations need in order to exert their influence. While acknowledging the importance of all five resources, this study pays particular attention to financial resources received through international donor funding, for without financial resources it is difficult for an organisation to survive. The findings of the interviews and the conclusions drawn underscored four realities: firstly that the decrease in funding is not limited to the organisations examined in this study, but civil society as a whole. The second reality rests on the fact that the global financial crisis has indeed influenced the Institute for Democracy and the Treatment Action Campaign in ways that are a cause for a concern, not only for the survival of the organisation, but also for the durability of South Africa’s young and at times fragile democracy. The third reality points to other challenges that have influenced donor funding, such as South Africa’s middle income status, a shift in donor orientation and focus and donor-specific problems. The fourth reality that was pointed out thrust this study into the conclusion that financial resources are the essential life-blood of civil society organisations. In light of the role that civil society plays in a democracy, the findings in this study point to a concerning trend in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvangspunt van hierdie studie is die omvangrykende mediadekking aangaande die wydverspreide afname in donateursbefondsing vir burgerlike samelewingorganisasies in Suid-Afrika. Hierdie afname is beïnvloed deur die onlangse globale finansiële krisis en het tot gevolg die ontbinding van ʼn aantal burgerlike samelewingorganisasies. Die besluit om met hierdie studie te begin het sy oorsprong in die feit dat die burgerlike samelewing ʼn belangrike kenmerk van demokrasie is veral met betrekking tot regeringsresponsiwiteit, aanspreeklikheid sowel as die deelname van burgers aan ʼn demokratiese regering. In Suid-Afrika is dit belangrik, veral met die oog op die land se jong demokrasie en nog meer wanneer die heersende party se oorweldigende politiese mag in ag geneem word en dat dit tot ʼn dominante partystelsel lei. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel wat die oorsaak van die daling in skenkersfondse is. Die rigtinggewende vraag vir die studie was: het die wêreldwye finansiële krisis die burgerlike samelewing in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed? Die studie beoog om by te dra tot die evaluasie van die potensiële rol wat burgerlike samelewing in Suid-Afrika se jong demokrasie gespeel het, en steeds speel, en wat die implikasies vir demokrasie sou wees indien burgerlike samelewingorganisasies se rol bemoeilik word en verplig word om nog meer van hulle kantore te sluit. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en het staatgemaak op kwalitatiewe data wat verkry is deur in-diepte onderhoude met twee vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse nie-regeringsorganisasies te voer naamlik die Instituut vir Demokrasie en die ‘Treatment Action Campaign’. ’n Gesaghebbende segsman uit elke organisasie is gekies vir die onderhoude. Die bevindings is geoperasionaliseer deur die lense van Andrew Heywood (2007) se konseptuele teoretiese raamwerk wat aanvoer dat daar vyf hulpbronne is wat burgerlike organisasies nodig het om hulle invloed te laat geld. Terwyl die waarde van al vyf hulpbronne erken word, skenk hierdie studie in die besonder aandag aan die finansiële hulpbronne wat van internasionale skenkersfondse ontvang word omdat burgerlike organisasies beswaarlik daarsonder kan oorleef. Die bevindinge van die onderhoude en die gevolgtrekkings wat gemaak is beaam vier realiteite: eerstens dat die daling in befondsing nie beperk is tot die organisasies wat aan die studie deelgeneem het nie, maar burgerlike samelewing as ʼn geheel. Die tweede realiteit berus by die feit dat die globale finansiële krisis inderdaad die Instituut van Demokrasie en die ‘Treatment Action Campaign’ op kommerwekkende maniere beïnvloed het, nie net in terme van die organisasies se oorlewing nie, maar ook in terme van die behoud van Suid-Afrika se jong en soms brose demokrasie. Die derde realiteit dui op ander uitdagings wat skenkersfondse beïnvloed het soos Suid-Afrika se middel inkomstestatus, ʼn fokusverskuiwing van skenkingsgeoriënteerdheid tot skenker-spesifieke probleme. Die vierde realiteit wat uitgewys is dwing die studie om tot die gevolgtrekking te kom dat finansiële hulpbronne ʼn noodsaaklikheid vir die behoud van burgerlike gemeenskapsorganisasies is. In die lig van die rol wat burgerlike gemeenskap in demokrasie speel, is die bevindings van die studie kommerwekkend.

Thesis (DPhil))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The post-Cold War era has witnessed a renewed interest in global political transformation and the possibility of the emergence of a new global order. There are, however, widespread disagreements within the field of International Relations (IR) about the significance of the discontinuities of our age, which include the emergence of centres of economic and political power that erode state autonomy and sovereignty. While some theorists argue that these changes are largely insignificant, others regard them as potential harbingers of a fundamentally different future political system. The study of change in IR is thus marked by considerable confusion and hampered by a number of shortcomings. One of the main deficiencies in the existing transformnation literature has been the mainstream approaches' reluctance to concede that the study of change is an unavoidably nonnative endeavour. Additionally, much work on change has focused on the role that material factors play in facilitating change, while the role of ideational factors has been disregarded. This has lead to an incomplete and distorted view of the process of change. Lastly, guidelines by which one might evaluate and choose between contending approaches to change are sorely lacking. These issues are addressed in this study by means of an evaluation of the work of three selected authors (Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie and Robert Cox) whose combined contributions can assist us in developing a more comprehensive theory of global political transformnation. It is contended that, in order for the study of change in IR to progress, scholars need to recognise the inherently nonnative nature of the undertaking, and be explicit about their nonnative assumptions. Furthermore, clarity needs to be reached with regard to the materialism-idealism debate. The argument made is that a middle ground approach, which aims to transcend the false dichotomy between material and ideational factors, is required. In fact, it is maintained that not only is a conciliatory approach conducive to progressing the study of change in terms of the materialism-idealism debate, but that such an approach of theoretical engagement and bridge building will also contribute generally to developing a more thorough understanding of global change. Finally, if we want to make progress in IR thinking about change, we need to develop some criteria to determine which authors can assist us best. Subsequently it is proposed that a satisfactory approach to the study of change in IR should, at a minimum, fulfil the following requirements. It should (I) aim to transcend the false dichotomy between materialism and idealism; (2) be explicit about its nonnative position; (3) limit nonnative visions to what constitutes viable alternatives global political systems; and (4) identify sources of change and include a proposed plan.of action of how to achieve nonnative goals. In light of the above criteria, it is also contended that progressive global political transformation does not, as some transformative authors suggest, have to entail the demise of the state. It is quite possible that emancipatory change can take place within the confines of the Westphalian system. In summary, this study hopes to make some contribution to what is a vastly complex topic that of change in and of the global political system - by addressing three shortcomings identified in the existing change literature: the fact that the role of ideas and the nonnative implications of change have been sorely neglected, and the need for criteria by which one might choose between contending nonnative projects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:In die post-Koue Oorlogera het daar 'n hernieude belangstelling in globale politieke transformasie en die moontlikheid van die totstandkoming van 'n nuwe globale orde ontstaan. Daar is egter gewigtige verskille binne die veld van Internasionale Betrekkinge (IB) oor die belang van huidige veranderings soos die ontstaan van sentra van ekonomiese en politieke mag, wat state se outonomiteit en soewereiniteit bedreig. Terwyl sommige skrywers beweer dat hierdie veranderings grootliks onbeduidend is, sien ander hulle as potensiële aanduidings van 'n fundamenteel nuwe politieke stelsel. Die studie van verandering in IB word dus gekenmerk deur aansienlike verwarring en word belemmer deur 'n aantal tekortkominge. Een van die vernaamste gebreke in die bestaande transformasie literatuur is die hoofstroom benaderings se onwilligheid om toe te staan dat die studie van verandering 'n onvermydelik normatiewe paoing oor verandering gedoen is op die rol wat materiële faktore speel in die fasilitering van verandering, terwyl die rol van idees en norme verontagsaam word. Dit het gelei tot 'n onvolledige en verwronge beeld van die veranderingsproses. Laastens is riglyne waarvolgens wedywerende benaderings tot verandering geëvalueer sou kon word, afwesig. Die kwessies word in hierdie studie aangespreek deur middel van 'n evaluering van die werk van drie geselekteerde outeurs (Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie en Robert Cox) wie se gesamentlike bydraes 'n beduidende bydrae kan lewer tot die ontwikkeling van 'n meer omvattende teorie van globale politieke transformasie. Daar word beweer dat, ten einde vordering in die studie van verandering te bewerkstellig, teoretici die inherent normatiewe aard van die poging moet herken, en eksplisiet moet wees oor hul normatiewe aannames. Verder moet daar duidelikheid bereik word ten opsigte van die materialisme-idealisme debat. Die argument wat gemaak word is dat 'n middeweg benadering, wat ten doel stel om die valse digotomie tussen die materiële en die ideële te oorkom, benodig word. Daar word verder geargumenteer dat so 'n konsilierende benadering nie net bevorderlik is vir vooruitgang in die studie van verandering in terme van die materialisme-idealisme debat nie, maar dat 'n benadering wat gegrond is op teoretiese bemiddeling ook in 'n algemene sin voordelig is vir 'n meer deeglike begrip van globale verandering. Laastens, indien vooruitgang in huidige denke oor verandering bewerkstellig wil word, is dit noodsaaklik om kriteria te ontwikkel ten einde te bepaal watter outeurs se werk as grondslag vir verdere teoretisering moet dien. Op grand hiervan word voorgestel dat 'n bevredigende benadering tot die studie van verandering in IB ten minste aan die volgende voorwaardes moet voldoen: dit behoort (I) daarna te streef om die valse digotomie tussen materialisme en idealisme te oorbrug; (2) eksplisiet te wees oor die normatiewe aannames wat gemaak word; (3) normatiewe visies te beperk tot lewensvatbare alternatiewe globale politieke stelsels; en (4) bronne van verandering te identifiseer en 'n voorgestelde plan van aksie in te sluit oao hoe normatiewe doelwitte bereik kan word. In die lig van bogenoemde kriteria word daar ook geargumenteer dat progressiewe globale politieke transformasie nie, soos wat sommige transformasie skrywers suggereer, noodwendig die ondergang van die staat behels nie. Dit is moontlik dat emansiperende verandering binne die beperkings van die statestelsel kan plaasvind. Opsommend stel hierdie studie ten doel om 'n bydrae te lewer tot 'n uiters komplekse tema-naamlik verandering in en van die globale politieke stelsel - deur drie tekortkominge wat in die bestaande literatuur geïdentifiseer is, aan te spreek: die feit dat die rol van idees en die normatiewe implikasies van verandering grootliks verwaarloos is, en die behoefte aan kriteria waarvolgens daar tussen wedywerende normatiewe projekte gekies kan word.

Thesis (DPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation aims to establish the reasons underlying possible gendered attrition trends in the South African medical profession between 1996 and 2005. Noting the international trend of the increasing feminisation of medical education and the profession, the dissertation illustrates that this is also a reality in our national context, and frames this phenomenon as being plagued by difficulties very similar to those encountered in other traditionally male-dominated fields. The particular relevance for further research and debate is illustrated through the noticed discrepancy between women’s representation in enrolment and graduation at medical schools in South Africa, and their representation in the profession itself. The decision to approach this investigation from a feministorganisational perspective was based on the fact that this would not only be a novel, but indeed also an appropriate, research approach to the study of gendered trends in medical education and the profession within the South African context. The research project thus sets out three main objectives relevant to this investigation. Objective 1 aims to establish the sex composition of the cohort of medical graduates that have not entered, or decided to exit, the medical profession. In terms of this objective, findings show an increasing rate of progression of men into the profession, accompanied by a decreasing rate of progression of women into the profession. Objective 2 attempts to establish the reasons behind sex trends in South African medical schools and in the profession. Thus, in an effort to comprehensively investigate the issues underlying attrition, I employ a mixed-methods approach to the primary data collection and analysis. Firstly, the findings show, through a quantitative analysis of the interview data, that this sample of women felt that both institutional and societal factors influenced a women doctor’s propensity to remain in the profession. Secondly, it is established that whether these respondents felt that they had appropriate role models in the profession was the most important factor in terms of their identification with, and propensity to stay in, the profession. Thirdly, it was also found that the respondents felt strongly that the culture of the medical profession impacts negatively on a woman doctor’s propensity to stay in the profession, but similar to the findings of other studies, this does not bring us closer to an understanding of what that culture constitutes. Thus, lastly, through a qualitative analysis of the interview data I find that the respondents clearly recognise the presence of a gendered substructure in medicine in the South African context, and identify some elements of this structure as most commonly linked to attrition. Objective 3, based on the outcomes of the previous objectives, aims to provide recommendations for the retention of medical doctors in general, and women doctors specifically, in the South African context. It concludes that flexibility1 in the medical profession is paramount to the retention of doctors, and women doctors specifically. This is a difficult challenge to overcome, as central values such as the importance of continuity of care in the medical profession would suggest that providing increased flexibility to medical doctors would impact negatively on patient care. However, it appears that there is increasing recognition amongst scholars, policy makers and medical practitioners themselves of the importance of acknowledging alternative work patterns. On the basis of the outcomes of my research, it is clear that the national gender attrition trends are a cause for concern in terms of resourcing the National Health System against the backdrop of a widely acknowledged shortage of doctors in South Africa and elsewhere. If women doctors do not progress effectively into the system, but form the majority of graduates, this is a tragic loss, as well as a waste of resources during training. This aspect also has policy implications, because it appears that the government, in trying to retain doctors, has increasingly turned to measures that are restrictive (compulsory community service, restrictions on foreign doctors), rather than focusing on ways in which to make doctors want to stay. The dissertation thus closes by suggesting two main areas within which these findings and recommendations would be employed most usefully: 1) medical schools/ training/education, and 2) the medical profession/culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif het ten doel om die redes onderliggende aan geslagsverskille in die verlies van vroue uit die Suid-Afrikaanse mediese beroep tussen 1996 en 2005 vas te stel. Die internasionale tendens van die toenemende vervrouliking van mediese opleiding en die mediese beroep wys dat dit ook ‘n realiteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse nasionale konteks is. Hierdie verskynsel word veroorsaak deur probleme soortgelyk aan dié wat in ander, tradisioneel manlik gedomineerde beroepe ondervind word. Die spesifieke relevansie vir verdere navorsing en debat word geïllustreer deur die aangetoonde proporsionele verskil tussen vroue se inskrywing en graduering in mediese skole in Suid-Afrika, en hul verteenwoordiging in die beroep self. Die besluit om hierdie ondersoek uit ‘n feministies-organisatoriese perspektief te benader, is nie net omdat dit ‘n oorspronklike benadering sou wees nie, maar ook gepas vir ‘n studie van geslagstendense in die mediese onderwys en professie binne die Suid- Afrikaans konteks. Die navorsingsprojek bevestig dus drie hoofdoelstellings wat relevant tot hierdie ondersoek is. Doelstelling een probeer om die geslagsamestelling van die kohort van mediese gegradueerdes wat nie tot die beroep toegetree het nie, of dié wat besluit het om die beroep te verlaat, te bepaal. Daar is bevind dat daar ‘n verhoogde koers van vordering van mans tot die beroep is, gepaardgaande met ‘n verlaagde koers van vordering van vroue tot die beroep. Doelstelling twee probeer om die redes onderliggende aan die geslagstendense in die mediese skool en die beroep vas te stel. Dus, om ‘n omvattende ondersoek te doen om uit te vind wat onderliggend aan die verlies is, het ek van ‘n gemengde metode benadering tot data insameling en analise gebruik gemaak. Die resultate van die onderhoud data wys dat hierdie vroue voel dat beide institusionele en sosiale faktore ‘n vroulike dokter se besluit om in die beroep te bly, beïnvloed. Tweedens is daar vasgestel dat geskikte rolmodelle in die beroep die belangrikste faktor is in vroue se identifikasie met die beroep, en hulle besluit om in die beroep te bly. Derdens is gevind dat die respondente baie sterk voel dat die kultuur van die mediese beroep ’n negatiewe impak het op ‘n vroulike dokter se besluit om in die beroep te bly, maar soos ook in ander studies bevind is, bring dit ons nie nader aan ‘n begrip van die aard van die kultuur nie. Ten slotte is daar dus met die onderhoud data gevind dat die respondente duidelik bewus is van die teenwoordigheid van ‘n geslagsubstruktuur in die mediese beroep in Suid-Afrika. Ek identifiseer ook sekere elemente van hierdie struktuur wat bydra tot die verlies van vroulike dokters uit die mediese beroep. Doelstelling drie, gebaseer op die uitkomste van die vorige doelstellings, probeer om aanbevelings te maak vir die behoud van mediese dokters in die algemeen, en vroulike dokters spesifiek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat buigsaamheid in die werkskultuur van die mediese beroep van kardinale belang is vir die behoud van dokters in die algemeen, en vroulike dokters meer spesifiek. Dit is ‘n moeilike uitdaging om te oorkom omdat sentrale waardes, soos die belang van kontinuïteit van versorging in die beroep, persepsies laat ontstaan dat meer buigsaamheid in werksomstandighede ‘n negatiewe impak op die versorging van pasiënte sou hê. Dit blyk egter ook dat daar ‘n toenemende erkenning is deur akademici, beleidsontwerpers en mediese praktisyns self van die belang van alternatiewe werkspatrone. Gebaseer op die resultate van die ondersoek is dit duidelik dat die nasionale geslagsverliestendense ‘n rede tot kommer vir die verskaffing van menslike hulpbronne vir die nasionale gesondheidstelsel is, veral teen die agtergrond van ‘n algemeen erkende tekort aan dokters in Suid-Afrika. As vroulike dokters nie effektief in die stelsel opgeneem word nie, hoewel hulle die meerderheid van gegradueerdes is, is dit ‘n tragiese verlies en vermorsing van hulpbronne wat vir opleiding gebruik is. Dit het ook implikasies vir beleid omdat dit blyk dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering, in sy pogings om dokters te behou, meermale maatreëls gebruik wat perke stel (verpligte gemeenskapsdiens, beperkings vir buitelandse dokters, ens.), waar hulle eerder behoort te fokus op maniere om dokters in Suid-Afrika te hou. Ten slotte stel die proefskrif twee hoofareas voor waarin hierdie bevindings en aanbevelings aangewend kan word: 1) mediese skole/opleiding/onderwys, en 2) die mediese beroep/kultuur.

Despite its rhetoric about prioritising Africa and the need for an African Renaissance, South Africa's leadership is severely constrained by domestic political factors in its ability to engage and lead the continent. To date, the ANC-led government has been criticised for its incoherent foreign policy. Most criticisms have centered on South Africa's failure to engage the SADC region effectively. This research, examines the importance attached to South Africa getting involved in the region and the rationale guiding its involvement. Employing realism as a technique of assessment, the study examines the factors that influenced South Africa's actions or inactions. The ANC (African National Congress) -led government must concern itself with several issues that can muffle efforts by the state to intervene or act in concert with members of the region. Such issues include a historical (apartheid-induced) antipathy toward Africa, a 40 percent unemployment rate amongst its main racial constituents, a very vocal and demagogic opposition, large minorities with little or no interest in developing extensive links with the region, and the ever-present need to contest and win domestic elections. Given this internal context as well as the general desire to lead and effect change within the region and to improve her international prestige (for instance, by securing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council or bids for major sporting events), South Africa will find herself torn between domestic and external imperatives. As such, the ability or capacity of the South African government to act effectively in conflict resolution missions within Africa will be shaped substantially by how well it is able to attend to, and reconcile, those tensions. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

The research project begins with the land reform programme in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2008. Under colonialism Britain took most arable land from the indigenous Zimbabweans and gave it to the white (minority) settler population. The research attempts to look at how, after independence, President Robert Mugabe has handled the issue of land in an effort to reverse this situation. Some of the consequences of land reform include the collapse of the economy, political instability and social incoherence. Together, these consequences have led to the 'crisis' to describe social and political life in Zimbabwe. Most importantly, the project analyses South Africa's approach in dealing with this 'crisis'. Therefore, South Africa's approach has become the key subject upon which this project will be focused. Initially, the approach that was adopted and implemented by South African government towards Zimbabwe was termed "Quiet Diplomacy". The reasons for this approach are several. Firstly, this approach was one way of respecting the sovereignty of Zimbabwe. In other words, this was an attempt to honour and respect the internal affairs of Zimbabwe. Secondly, Thabo Mbeki's government was of the view that using economic muscle to sanction Zimbabwe would worsen the situation because Zimbabwe is dependent on South Africa in terms of electricity supply and other resources. However, as Quiet Diplomacy appeared to be ineffectual in halting Zimbabwe's slide into further disarray, much criticism has been generated. Critics state that the approach is not working, and it has made the situation worse in Zimbabwe. In addition, the study, therefore, has hypothesised that: "Quiet Diplomacy" is not a viable approach to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis. In making this claim, the study observes both the strengths and weaknesses of "quiet diplomacy". Finally, the study also seeks to make possible options (other than quiet diplomacy) that South African government should have considered. In the end, the study intends to make recommendations such as 'smart' sanctions that could be used to address the situation in Zimbabwe. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

South Africa's public institutions are expected to conduct their activities in a way that satisfy the public interest to ensure the welfare of the people. In formulating public policies and in carrying out their duties, these institutions are constitutionally required to be answerable to the communities, particularly in a democratic state. Hence, many community leaders strongly believe that transparency and public accountability can help to expose and reduce large-scale tendencies of financial irregularities and corruption in public agencies. Despite different racial groups, levels of education and occupation the ordinary members of the public are discontented about inadequate accountability and openness of parastatals. This can tend to lead to unethical and irresponsible conduct in government departments and parastatals. Therefore this thesis assesses an emerging challenge experienced by public enterprises in reacting to the urgent need for increased answerability for the behaviour of administrators and officials. Over the past few years, parastatals have attracted heavy criticism from several quarters of various communities for embracing racial discriminatory policies and conniving with departments of the previous government to fortify those racial policies. The veil of confidentiality clause and the right to privacy, which clouded the abuse of political power by both the government and public organisations, shrouded the activities of the parastatals. However, even the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994 did not reduce unethical conduct, such as corruption, patronage and nepotism, among administrators and officials. Instead the scale of these unbecoming tendencies have currently either increased or received more publicity. Frequent financial irregularities are continuously reported, which cause great damage to the image of public organisations and erodes public trust. Therefore, in trying to address these problems attributed to the inadequacy of public accountability and transparency, parastatals have to consider and evaluate several bewildering challenges. The main thing is to critically re-examine the role of public accountability and transparency in public institutions. In doing that, a focus must be on finding answers for the following questions. To whom and how are parastatals accountable? Why is it necessary for them to publicly give full account of their activities to the communities? Essentially, this thesis is particularly concerned with a large parastatal in Kwa-Zulu/Natal, which is chosen a point of references, namely, Umgeni Water Board. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

This study explores the government's current land refonn programme in the light of nation building. It is hypothesised that though the government means well by its introduction of the programme, the current land refonn policy will negatively affect race relations. This is due to the fact that the introduction of this policy has exacerbated white fears of dispossession and raised black expectations of redress. Therefore, the success of this policy will exacerbate white dissatisfaction, and the failure of the policy will frustrate black expectations. Nevertheless, it is argued that this is only prevalent in the short run where as in the long run nation building could be achieved through this programme. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

Xenophobia in South Africa is a social-political ill. Despite the huge xenophobic attack that took place in May 2008 leaving so many people homeless, wounded and dead, xenophobia still continues to occur in several ways all over South Africa. Its roots can be traced back to the period of apartheid when black South Africans suffered various types of racial discrimination and other forms of subjugation from the hands of their white compatriots, who form a tiny minority of the country‘s population. It would appear that having forced their way out of the period of apartheid, Black South Africans have created a brutal culture of hostility towards 'foreigners' from the rest of Africa. In their search for higher education, students from the rest of the continent have been attracted to South Africa by its excellent social infrastructure and the relative buoyancy of its economy. These migrant students are faced with various challenges in their daily activities both on and off campus. The most salient of this would seem to be their experience of xenophobia. A case in point is the female African students at UKZN. This is in addition to the basic fact that women are, almost by definition, a vulnerable group. The violence that many women experience is caused by numerous identities such as race, class, sexual orientation, HIV status, disability and other markers of difference. These markers not only increase female vulnerability but they also limit their access to legal redress and health and psychosocial services. This phenomenon often gives men an advantage over women in society. Such forms of discrimination need to be investigated and interrogated within the context of xenophobia. Though there has not been any further major attack in the aftermath of the 2008 xenophobic violence, the sporadic experiences amongst, for example, foreign female African students at UKZN, if ignored, may gradually lead to a violent outbreak. This study attempts to capture and critically analyse the understanding of these students on the subject of xenophobia, their experiences and the probable effects xenophobia has, so far, had on their stay in South Africa. The study also seeks to understand how these students respond to the attacks and if they are aware of policies made by the government or university authorities to assist them. Based on the interviews, the study recommends how to eradicate xenophobia, given that existing policies seem to be working only in presumption. It further elaborates on the gender dynamics of xenophobia and concludes on the feelings of xenophilia (experience of love by foreigners from the local South Africans) by the students despite the existence of xenophobia in South Africa. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.