Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a contribution to the “China in Africa” debate. Chinese development assistance includes Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and recent literature argues a significant proportion of FDI goes to the manufacturing sector in African countries. FDI allocated to industry have the potential to create employment and reduce poverty. This paper takes Zambia as a case, and looks at the textile and clothing industry as a sub- sector of the manufacturing sector. The textile and clothing industry is seen as especially appropriate for Zambia, as it; (i) adds value to natural resources; (ii) creates links to other sectors of the economy; (iii) require only basic skills; and (iv) is labour intensive. Based on primary and secondary data, this paper seeks to understand how Chinese FDI in the Zambian textile and clothing industry impact economic development, measured by; (i) formal employment creation; (ii) technology and skill transfer; (iii) state revenue; and lastly (iv) market creation of the products. Through looking at Zambian national plans and institutions, the cotton-textile-garment value chain and the organisation of Chinese companies in Zambia, this paper found currently no textile and clothing manufacturing under Chinese investors. Although, cotton quality in Zambia has improved, the majority is exported out of the continent. There are currently few textile mills left and the clothing manufacturers largely use imported inputs. Second hand clothes and cheap imports from Asian countries, have taken over large parts of the domestic market for textile and clothing in Zambia. The largest integrated textile mill was the Zambia China Mulungushi Textiles (ZCMT) operating under Chinese investors between 1997 and 2007. Findings show that the Chinese management casualised the workforce, leading to more informal employment. In addition, there were few records of skill transfer to Zambian workers, although there were investments in improving technology. This paper explores the different reasons for the TC mill to close and argue that it was not viable under a liberal market. The Zambian workers were unhappy with the labour system, wage levels and terms of employment, which caused violent riots and strikes up until closure in 2007. The Chinese management was unable to restructure the work force enough to be cost effective and to stay in business. The Lusaka East Multi Facility Economic Zone (MFEZ) is under construction, and will focus on textiles and the supportive links in the industry. It is yet to be seen, how it impacts local economic development. Based on the assumptions of economic development, this paper shows limited impact of Chinese FDI in the Zambian textile and clothing industry. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n bydrae tot die "China in Afrika” debat. Die Chinese ontwikkelings hulp sluit buitelandse direkte investering (FDI) in, en die onlangse literatuur beweer dat 'n belangrike deel van FDI na die vervaardigingsektor in Afrika-lande gaan. FDI toegeken aan die industrie het die potensiaal om werk te skep en armoede to verminder. Hierdie verhandeling neem Zambië as 'n geval, en kyk na die tekstiel-en klere-industrie as 'n subsektor van die vervaardigingsektor. Die tekstiel en klere bedryf is veral geskik vir Zambië, daar dit; (i) waarde toevoeg tot natuurlike hulpbronne; (ii) skakels skep na ander sektore van die ekonomie; (iii) slegs basiese vaardighede word vereis; (iv) arbeidsintensief is. Deur middel van primêre en sekondêre data, word in hierdie verhandeling gepoog om die impak van die Chinese FDI in die Zambiese tekstiel-en klere-industrie, op die ekonomiese ontwikkeling vas te stel, soos gemeet aan; (i) formele werkskepping; (ii) tegnologie en vaardigheids oordrag; (iii) die staat se inkomste; en laastens ( iv) die skepping van ‘n mark vir die produkte. Deur te kyk na die Zambiese nasionale planne en instellings, die katoen-tekstiel-kleed waardeketting, en die organisasie van die Chinese maatskappye in Zambië, het hierdie verhandeling bevind dat daar tans geen tekstiel-en klere vervaardiging onder Chinese beleggers is nie. Hoewel die gehalte van die katoen in Zambië verbeter het, is die meeste buite die vasteland uitgevoer. Daar is tans min tekstielfabrieke oor, en die klerevervaardigers gebruik grootliks ingevoerde insette. Tweedehandse klere en goedkoop invoere uit Asiatiese lande, het grootliks die binnelandse mark vir tekstiel en klere in Zambië oorgeneem. Die grootste geïntegreerde tekstiel fabriek was die Zambië China Mulungushi Textiles (ZCMT) wat tussen 1997 en 2007 onder Chinese beleggers was. Bevindinge toon dat die Chinese bestuur niepermanente aanstellings gemaak het, wat gelei het tot meer informele indiensneming. Verder, is daar min rekord van vaardigheids-oordrag na die Zambiese werkers, maar daar was beleggings in die verbetering van tegnologie gedoen. Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die verskillende redes vir die TC meul/fabriek se sluiting, en bevind dat dit nie lewensvatbaar in 'n vrye mark was nie. Die Zambiese werkers was ontevrede met die arbeidstelsel, loonvlakke en terme van indiensneming, wat gewelddadige onluste en stakings veroorsaak het tot die sluiting in 2007. Die Chinese bestuur was nie in staat om die arbeidsmag te herstruktureer om koste-effektief genoeg te wees nie. Die Lusaka-Ooste Multi Fasiliteit Ekonomiese Sone (MFEZ) is onder konstruksie en sal fokus op die tekstiel en die ondersteunende skakels in die bedryf. Dit moet nog gesien word hoe dit die plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling beïinvloed. Op grond van die aannames van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, toon hierdie ondersoek ‘n beperkte impak van die Chinese FDI in die Zambiese tekstiel en klere bedryf aan.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In an otherwise broad literature on civil conflict little attention has so far been paid to actual conflict violence and variation in severity. Existing work is also hampered by a reliance on a ‘closed polity’ model of the state, leading to disregard of the transnational dimensions of internal conflict, and by a dependence on over‐aggregated data. The present inquiry expands on the existing explanatory framework for variation in civil conflict severity by including transnational factors and characteristics of sub‐national actors. Data on conflict battle deaths are combined with recently available data on transnational ethnic linkages, transnational support and neighbouring conflict as well as other actor and country characteristics. Results from ordinary least squares regression analysis indicate that support for rebel groups from external non‐state actors increase conflict severity, while rebel presence in other states is associated with less severe conflicts. In addition, severity increases with duration but with a diminishing marginal return. Internal armed conflicts are less severe in democratic and ethnically polarised countries but rebel territorial control increases the level of violence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die andersins omvangryke literatuur oor burgerlike konflik is daar tot op hede min aandag geskenk aan werklike konflikgeweld en variasie in felheid (vernietigende omvang). Bestaande werk word ook belemmer omdat dit staat maak op ’n model van die staat as ‘geslote regering’, wat lei tot verontagsaming van die transnasionale dimensies van interne konflik, en staat maak op oor‐geaggregeerde data. Hierdie ondersoek brei uit op die bestaande verklarende raamwerk vir variasie in felheid van burgerlike konflik deur transnasionale faktore en eienskappe van subnasionale deelnemers in te sluit. Data oor konflikgevegsterftes is gekombineer met onlangse data oor transnasionale etniese koppelings, transnasionale steun en naburige konflik, sowel as ander deelnemer‐ en landeienskappe. Resultate van gewone kleinstekwadrate‐regressie‐analise dui daarop dat steun aan rebellegroepe deur eksterne nie‐staatsdeelnemers konflikfelheid laat toeneem, terwyl rebelleteenwoordigheid in ander lande geassosieer word met minder fel konflikte. Felheid neem ook toe saam met duur maar met ’n afnemende marginale opbrengs. Interne gewapende konflikte is minder fel in demokratiese en etnies gepolariseerde lande, maar rebellebeheer oor grondgebied verhoog die vlak van geweld.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This study first discusses, and ultimately compares, the land reform policies of both South Africa and Namibia, with special reference to the respective histories of land ownership. An overview of the two countries’ histories of colonial and segregationist policies are presented to provide the reader with insight into the racially unequal social, economic and political relations within the case studies concerned. The particular focus of this study falls on the legal frameworks and the policy developments of land restitution and the land redistribution policy programmes from the time of the transition to democracy. South Africa’s and Namibia’s policies are compared, highlighting the similarities and differences between the two. South Africa developed a wider land reform policy, which stands on three legs: land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure reform. The first, land restitution, has been prioritised by government and has thus far contributed the most to the progress of land reform. It may also be seen as the beginning of redistribution. Land tenure does not receive much attention in this study, but the land redistribution programme does. Progress to date has overall been slower than expected and other stumbling blocks such as ineffective extension services, bureaucratic ineptitude and ensuring the productive use of land are not focused on. Government recently indicated that it intends, and has also taken some steps, to speed up the lagging process of land reform through an increased use of expropriation. Great criticism against this was voiced by the commercial sector. South Africa is a constitutional democracy and attempts to redress the injustices of the past within a legal framework. Namibia seems to be progressing faster than South Africa in terms of its redistribution policy. One reason for this could be that the targets are more realistically set. It was decided that the restitution of ancestral land will not be followed (therefore, redistribution was not claims-based), but that all previously disadvantaged people will benefit from land redistribution. A land conference was held immediately after independence in 1991. Lately, however, momentum on the pursuit of its land reform policy seems to have subsided. The conclusion of this study indicates that although there are differences in the respective countries’ land reform policies, there are significant similarities. The debate between ‘equity’ and ‘production’ becomes even more important in the midst of world food price increases, a global financial crisis and the ever growing gap between the poor and the rich. More than a decade after the transition to democracy (amidst the chaotic land reform process in Zimbabwe), land and ownership remain a contentious issue in both countries.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change is conclusive that climate change will lead to scarcity of the basic resources that sustain life for people around the world – fresh water supplies, food production and land for habitation and cultivation. It is argued that environmental scarcity leads to migration which in turn results in conflict in the receiving area as competition over resources develops. Based on the main theories relating to resource scarcity and conflict, the purpose of this study is to examine the link between climate change and human security. The relevance of this research is the fact that the Stern Review concludes that climate change poses a serious threat to the world and that Africa will be one of the hardest hit continents. Africa is already vulnerable to climate variability and has the least capacity to respond, and this study aims to establish the impacts of resource scarcity on human security in South Africa. The theoretical approach addresses the much debated concept of ‘human security’ as it has developed since the end of the Cold War and the analysis is based on the main conflict theories that maintain that competition over access to scarce resources is one of the root causes of violent conflict. The research design for this study is of an empirical nature with the units of analysis being states, physical events and processes and the resulting human actions. It is a descriptive analysis, interpreting the impact of climate change on scarce resources and the resulting propensity for conflict. Much of the violence against migrants has been the result of varying degrees of xenophobia amongst all racial groups in South Africa. This study proposes the hypothesis that migration results in increased competition over scarce resources in receiving areas, which as a result of xenophobia leads to conflict. Based on the theoretical arguments put forward, the paper aims to determine what policy options for adaptation, mitigation and governance would be most likely to reduce the harmful impacts of climate change on vulnerable regions and groups of people in South Africa and neighbouring countries in order to contain migration and lessen the likelihood of violent conflict. Having identified xenophobia as a spark that could ignite violent inter-group conflict it would be useful to gain some theoretical insight into reducing group prejudice and attaining group cooperation through inter-group contact. It is apparent that there is no single theoretical approach that can be applied to gain a better insight into the complex link between resource scarcity and conflict. The different theories are mutually compatible and each theoretical perspective contributes a partial elaboration to and additional insights into the climate change/conflict hypothesis. There is possibly room for a new theoretical approach to gain a better understanding of the complexity and the uncertainties that are inherent in the study of a mechanism as complex as climate change. South Africa has the responsibility to use its global political influence to promote a shared understanding of responsible behaviour across all societies. Active participation will enable South Africa to guide global negotiations towards outcomes that will lessen the impact of climate change on the most vulnerable countries and populations. In conclusion, possible policies and actions are identified that could support these objectives. Without urgent, appropriate intervention climate change will undermine any efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, and a crippled African continent will be a threat to world security.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / How much emphasis is afforded to the role of soft power has significant implications for the study of hegemony and predictions regarding the future of US hegemony and the rise of China as a hegemon. The fact that much mainstream work (particularly neorealism) continues to neglect the role of soft power in international relations is seen as a disturbing shortcoming. This study wishes to address this perceived shortcoming by exploring the role of ‘soft power’ as an integral non-material aspect of hegemony by focusing on the perspectives of selected authors (Cox, Nye, Waltz, Keohane), and applying them to the cases of the United States of America and China. It is contended that there is a need for a shift of emphasis in International Relations (IR)- away from the hard power centric analysis towards a ‘soft power’ analysis that focuses on ideas. This study further argues that recognising the importance of the role of ‘soft power’ will result in a more effective analysis and understanding of hegemony in the international system. This is not to disregard ‘hard power’ as an aspect of hegemony, but rather to emphasise ‘soft power’ as it is often neglected or underscored by scholars in their analysis of hegemony and power structures within international relations. The United States of America is a prime example of how ‘soft power’ can help a state to prevent decline through consensus and alliance formation. The Chinese on the other hand have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power– whilst the US have recently neglected it as a sustaining capability for hegemony. Thus China is growing and nurturing its ‘soft power’ capabilities in order to create an image of a benevolent super power, whilst the US is increasingly being perceived as malevolent- which is not conducive to hegemony in the international system. It is argued that if the Chinese can attain ideological dominance within the global structure, they could become the new hegemon.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The study investigated what the degree of political accountability is in water projects as practiced by project implementers. The evaluation was also aimed at determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability. In order to evaluate the question, field research was conducted. Field research was of a quantitative nature, using a questionnaire. This involved (a) selecting two systems (project implementers, a municipality and a non-governmental organisation) where the systems’ political accountability within water projects could be compared, and (b) interviewing community respondents from a set questionnaire in four villages. The main findings are that (i) the level of political accountability in water projects depends on the system implementing a water project, (ii) three elements of political accountability (responsibility, information, and inclusion) differ significantly between the two systems, and (iii) political accountability has a significant impact on project sustainability. It is recommended that project implementers take into consideration the identified three elements of political accountability in order to improve project sustainability.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / The question addressed in this thesis was how women developed a feminist identity around other markers of identity, such as race, gender, motherhood, etc. and in the face of the negative connotations of the feminist label and what implications this hold for feminist solidarity. This question arose out of a careful study of current literature, both on international and local levels, concerning perceived division and problems within the feminist movement. The research was conducted in a quantitative and qualitative manner administering questionnaires to women electronically via e-mail and doing interviews to explore certain more sensitive issues. The criteria for the drawing of the sample were that women must have some form of feminist consciousness or identity. To satisfy these criteria the sample was drawn form the Women’s Forum at the University of Stellenbosch, from the Gender Education and Training network (GETNET) and the Social Change Assistance Trust (SCAT), both gender training organizations and from the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape where women have been through a gender training programme. The completed questionnaires were statistically analysed through using The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). Three broad themes emerged as the main findings in this thesis. First it became clear that the uncritical application of foreign measuring instruments may lead to false representation in the South African context, underlining the importance of situational and contextual specifity in research. Second, the propagated divisive power of race within feminism was not supported by the findings in this thesis. On the contrary, the profile of the sample is one of women with well-integrated racial identities and very little racial antagonism. Third it became apparent that women do support the values of feminism, but are unwilling to take a feminist label, implying perceived structural and ideological problems within the feminist movement. The feminist movement needs to redefine their theoretical base, accessibility and their approach to outcomes-based action. If the movement fails to realize the above aims they run a serious risk of disintegration as a political interest group working for the improvement of the lives of women. In order to accomplish the challenges mentioned above the feminist movement must first start with the specific circumstances of the lives of women and use that as a base for theory, policy and strategy to change the lives of women and second align themselves with grassroots movements in order to establish ties to a constituency of women they have lost touch with.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This study examines, broadly put, why the banking sector in China has not performed as well as other sectors of the economy when compared to international competitors, given that the economy as a whole has been performing so exceptionally at the time of writing and has been for the past two decades. The investigation examines reforms over the past twenty-six years to provide background to the issue as well as taking a view on the Chinese accession to the World Trade Organisation in 2001, providing analysis as to the effects of this accession as well as viewing the undertakings China has made, in general and specific to the banking sector, in terms of World Trade Organisation membership. The methodology employed is descriptive and explanatory in nature and information is sourced from existing academic writing as well as from banking industry publications and research. The source of information for the study is mainly of a qualitative nature, including historical and historical comparative information. Furthermore, the research forms applied research in that it seeks to bring together previous basic and exploratory research in order to identify specific problems and present potential solutions. Findings in the research include the burdensome effects of state-owned enterprises on the banking sector’s largest constituents, problematic aspects of endemic non-performing loans and a culture of lapsing debt in China as well as problems regarding political interference in the banking sector by the state and local authorities. Further problems identified include reporting and supervisory concerns, taxation treatment problems and a lack of risk-based commercial lending criteria in big Chinese banks. Analysis is provided into the effect of current and past restrictions in the sector, the development and reform model China is using to globalise its banks and the 2005 investment surge into China’s bank. Recommendations are made regarding the foreign ownership of the Chinese banking sector, state recognition of bad-debts as state loans, debt-management through asset management companies and reform of the state-owned enterprises and the problems inherent to this initiative. Finally, recommendations as to the role of the regulator and the challenge of political will are highlighted.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This thesis is a theoretical contribution to the debate about statehood in Sub-Saharan Africa. My primary aims have been to interrogate the use of the state concept on the continent, and to open up new theoretical avenues to analyse the state. My starting point has been that the state is a key to solving socio-economic challenges. Yet the social theory that purports to make sense of the state in Africa is poor. Mainstream scholars use prefixes such as ‘failed’, ‘weak’ and ‘quasi’ to make sense of existing African states. If they call for such labels, it is only because an unhelpful ideal type based on the ‘modern’ European state is postulated. Such scholarship is limited to theorising the distance between the ideal type and real states. This approach gives a functionalist account of the state’s relationship with society and economy, but fails to explain the state as a historical product and expression of the distribution of power between social groups. As an alternative way to theorise states, I propose a synthesis between Robert W. Cox and Mahmood Mamdani. Combining Mamdani’s and Cox’s theoretical frameworks avoids the problems that arise when Eurocentric International Relations (IR) theories are applied to an African context. The synthesis adds to both frameworks by addressing a shortcoming in Cox by paying more attention to power struggles in the periphery, and redresses the exclusive focus on Africa in Mamdani. Adding Cox to Mamdani contextualises Mamdani’s African state in space as well as time, whereas adding Mamdani to Cox shows how African states respond to outside pressures and in the process (re)constitute the world order by adding an inside-out pressure. I use a single case study of the Angolan state to illustrate how a Coxian / Mamdanian synthesis contributes to the debate. This theoretical framework turns the attention to four aspects. First, there is a close historical link between the economic structure and the form of the state in the country, from the slave trade to today’s political economy of oil. Second, I look at the attempts of the Angolan state elite to legitimise its own power. I posit that in the context of social destitution and poverty, strategies to sustain consent based rule assumes particular importance. Third, the Angolan state is an expression of internal powers struggles between social groups in the country. The contemporary balance of power is volatile: recent economic growth has the potential of unsettling old power structures, as the relative balance of who has access to economic power changes. Lastly, the world order supports the current structure of power in Angola, largely thanks to the political economy of oil. Oil gives the Angolan regime ample economic resources, as well as crucial support from oil companies and the states that import the oil. This foreign support underwrites the regime and constitutes an important element in its support base

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Water is a vital resource essential to human survival and for which there is no substitute. Additionally, whilst water is still seen as a ‘renewable resource,’ reality seems to dictate that there is only a finite quantity of water available in water-scarce regions. As a result, ‘water’ and ‘war’ are two topics that have begun to be assessed together with increasing frequency. Water disputes have indeed been labelled as one of the “New Wars” in Africa, comparing it to the likes of other resource wars such as those over oil and diamonds. Placing water discourse within a theoretical framework of International Relations, this thesis attempts to ground the water war debate in the Fourth Great Debate of rationalism (downstream) and reflectivism (upstream), through a comparative analysis of Anthony Turton’s positivist approach, and Larry Swatuk and Peter Vale’s post-positivist sentiments embedded in reflectivism. The research aim can, therefore, be phrased as: to examine the debate surrounding the inevitability or impossibility of water wars by means of a comparative analysis of the works of Turton and Swatuk/Vale, as applied to the case study of the Okavango River basin and a tentative assessment of the Nile River basin. This study hypothesises that whether you swim upstream or downstream, a water war erupting in the Okavango River basin is never inevitable and quite implausible as argued by both theoretical perspectives. A bridge-building exercise is therefore conducted in an attempt to find commonalities between the two supposedly incommensurable perspectives of Turton and Swatuk/Vale. Furthermore, based on the tentative assessment of the Nile River Basin, this thesis also postulates that while the potential for water conflict is greater in this region, it is unlikely that a full-scale water war will erupt. Indeed, contrary to what doomsday soothsayers predict, interstate cooperation of shared water resources, such as the shared river basins of the Okavango and the Nile rivers, is more prevalent than conflictive situations.