Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africans are familiar with apartheid principles and practices. Apartheid principles were not only used as a mechanism that robbed people of their human rights, but it also gave rise to limited or no community participation in government decision-making. South Africa's democratic regime (after 1994) is striving to increase community participation in government decision-making. In this regard, the South African national government is initiating community development policies and programmes such as the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994), Masakhane programme (1998) and Integrated Development Planning (1997). This research focuses on Integrated Development Planning (lOP) and local government's role in stimulating community participation. Various participation models are highlighted, and the Wellington case is used to illustrate that communities will participate optimally in development activities if their participation will bring about their own empowerment. The research methodology includes interviews, television news programmes, newspaper articles and focus group sessions. Responses from the focus group interviews indicated that the community is easy-going and they expect activities to be undertaken for them. It was also noted that meaningful mechanisms for enhancinq community participation are limited. The community-empowerment model and recommendations are presented to optimise community participation. The following recommendations are made, namely accessibility of development initiatives, mobilising the community, relevant administrative skills of public officials, democratic constitution and legislation, concrete policy relating to community participation, meaningful empowerment of the community, explaining the content of concepts, programmes and projects, training for public officials, awareness of policy implications with regards to community participation and municipal planning in co-operative government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrikaners is vertroud met apartheidsbeginsels en praktyke. Apartheidsbeginsels is nie net as 'n meganisme gebruik om groepe van hul menseregte te ontneem nie, maar dit het ook aanleiding gegee tot gebrekkige of geen gemeenskapsdeelname in owerheidsbesluitneming. Suid-Afrika se demokratiese regeringstelsel (na 1994) streef daarna om gemeenskapsdeelname in owerheidsbesluitneming te verhoog. Binne hierdie hoedanigheid het die nasionale regering gemeenskapsontwikkelingsbeleide en programme soos die Heropbou-en Ontwikkelingsprogram (1994), Masakhane-program (1988) en GeTntegreerde Ontwikkelingsbeplanning (1997) daargestel. Die navorsing fokus op Ge"integreerde Ontwikkelingsbeplanning (GOB), en plaaslike owerhede se rol ten opsigte van die stimulering van gemeenskapsdeelname. Verskeie deelname-modelle word uitgelig en aan die hand van die Wellington-geval, word aangetoon dat gemeenskappe optimaal sal deelneem aan ontwikkelingsaktiwiteite indien hul deelname sal bydra tot hul eie bemagtiging. Die navorsingsmetodologie sluit in onderhoude, televisie-nuusprogramme, koerantartikels en fokusgroep-sessies. Terugvoering van die fokusgroeponderhoude dui aan dat die gemeenskap gemaksugtig is en verwag dat aktiwiteite vir hulle onderneem word. Daar is waargeneem dat betekenisvolle meganismes om gemeenskapsdeelname te optimaliseer gebrekkig was. Die kommunikasie-bemagtigingsmodel en aanbevelings word aangebied ten einde gemeenskapsdeelname te optimaliseer. Die volgende aanbevelings word gemaak naarnlik, toeganklikheid van ontwikkelingsinisiatiewe; mobilisering van die gemeenskap; relevante administratiewe vaardighede van openbare amptenare; demokratiese grondwet en beleide; konkrete beleide rakende gemeenskapsdeelname; betekenisvolle bemagtiging van die gemeenskap; verduideliking van die inhoud van konsepte, programme en projekte, opleiding van amptenare; bewuswording van beleidsimplikasies rakende gemeenskapsdeelname en munisipale beplanning in 'n samewerkende regering.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a study of the growmg importance of Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in global governance. Global governance is defined as a complex and dynamic process that deals with issues that go beyond the capacity of national governments, that is distinguished from global government because of an absence of a central authority that can ensure compliance and the presence of a wide range of actors including non-state actors. The theory of Complex Multilateralism captures the role of NGOs and NGO coalitions well. Using this theory as a theoretical framework, this study focuses on two recent transnational NGO campaigns (The International Campaign to Ban Landmines [fCBL) and the NGOs against Arms Trade) to determine why some NGO campaigns are more successful than others. The theory of Complex Multilateralism in combination with extensive information on different types of NGOs and their activities on national and international levels, makes it possible to identify criteria that can determine success. These criteria are: a realistic goal, the issue area (type, number, salience and techniques used to frame the issue), government and intergovernmental organisation (lGO) commitment, access to IGOs, extensive expertise, effective use of the media, effective use of information technology, activity variance, leadership, persuasive and influential spokespersons, membership and funds. These criteria are described, defined and then applied to the above-mentioned transnational NGO campaigns. The main finding was that the ICBL was the more successful of the two campaigns because it had more of the criteria for success. In this case the most important reasons for success is: a realistic goal, the focus on a single issue and the effective framing of the issue, significant government commitment as well as good leadership. Although, the criteria that were developed can hardly be universalised, they do provide a useful starting point for further research into this important field in International Studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk bestudeer die toenemende belangrikheid van Nie-Regerings Organisasies (NROs) in "global governance" Laasgenoemde konsep word gedefinieer as 'n komplekse en dinamiese proses wat behels die hantering van vraagstukke wat buite die beheer is van 'n enkele staat, wat onderskei word van 'n wereld regering as gevolg van die afwesigheid van sentrale gesag en die aanwesigheid van 'n wye reeks van akteurs of rolbekleers insluitente nie-staatlike rolbekleers. Komplekse Multilateralisme bied 'n goeie teoretiese begrip van die rol van NROs en NRO koalisies in hierdie proses. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Komplekse Multilateralisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk om te fokus op twee onlangse transnasionale NRO veldtogte ( Die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban en die NROs teen wapenhandel) en sodoende te bepaal hoekom sekere NRO veldtogte meer geslaag is as ander. Reedsgenoemde teorie in kombinasie met inligting oor verskillende tipes NROs en hul aktiwiteite op nasionale en internasionale vlakke maak dit moontlik om kriteria vir 'n suksesvolle NRO veldtog te identifiseer. Hierdie kriteria bestaan uit die volgende: 'n realistiese doel, die aard van die vraagstuk (tipe, hoeveelheid, "salience", en tegnieke wat gebruik is om die vraagstuk te formuleer, toewyding van regerings en tussen-regerings-organisasies, toegang tot tussenregerings -organisasies, veelsydige kundigheid, effektiewe gebruik van die media, effektiewe gebruik van inligtingstegnologie, verskeidenheid van aktiwiteite, leierskap, oorredende en invloedryke segspersone, lidmaatskap en fondse. Die bevinding is dat die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban die meer geslaagde veldtog is. Die belangriskste redes hiervoor is: 'n realistiese doel, die fokus op enkele vraagstukke en die effektiewe formulering van die vraagstuk, die toegewydheid van baie regerings, sowel as goeie leierskap. Alhoewel die kriteria wat in die studie ontwikkel is nie veralgemeen kan word nie dien dit as 'n nuttige basis vir vedere navorsing oor hierdie belangrike tema in die veld van Internasionale Studie.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine. A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice; Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process. Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina. 'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures. Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig. Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Southern Africa as a region requires a rallying point from where they can integrate and mobilize their resources in order to create a security community, which acts both as a deterrent to the outbreak of conflict and regional bloc to protect local industries from global forces. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) does not have the strong relationship which usually exists between states that share a common goal or interest. The study argues that the lack of leadership within the region accounts for the weak cooperative relationship that presently exists in Southern Africa. This study argues that regionalization does not come about unless the states in a particular region want it. It may come about through spontaneous or unintended convergence in terms of political regime, economic policy or security, but often one can identify a triggering political event which sets the process in motion. The study argues that the Development Corridors apparent in Southern Africa can act as the triggering event and have the promise to forge the most feasible cooperation amongst regional states. The phenomenon of Peace Parks rooted in the Spatial Development Initiatives, offer a unique type of regional integration embedded on traditional focal areas and Southern African Identity. This study intends to analyze the potential ability of regional hegemony to foster peace through development. The primary objective of this study consequently is to examine the role of regional hegemonies as tools for peace; using South Africa’s hegemony in Southern Africa as a case study. This study describes the importance of South Africa as a regional hegemon to lead the process of creating a peaceful co-existence in SADC. To achieve the research objectives the following questions have been formulated: What is South Africa’s role as a development partner in Southern Africa? The second research question asks how the political economy of regionalism is apparent in the Spatial Development Indicators (Development Corridors). Specifically what contribution could Spatial Development Initiatives make towards SADC’s regional integration objectives? The research questions provide an impression of major socio-political developments looming in the region and also seek to provide the required tools to analyze and understand what is going on in Southern Africa today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suider-Afrikaanse streek het ’n definitiewe behoefte om ‘n sentrale punt te identifiseer waar beide integrasie kan plaasvind en hulpbronne gemobiliseer kan word om ’n veiligheids gemeenskap te skep. Dit kan as ’n definitiewe teenvoeter dien vir die onstaan van konflik en om plaaslike industrie te beskerm teen die soms negatiewe invloed van internasionale magte. Die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) het huidiglik nie ’n sterk verhouding wat tussen state met gemeenskaplike doelwitte en belange heers nie. Die kern argument van hierdie studie is dat die tekort aan leierskap binne die streek een van die hoofoorsake is vir die algemene swak samewerking wat tans bestaan in Suider-Afrika. Die studie argumenteer dat sogenaamde streeks/regionale integrasie nie tot stand kan kom tensy die state in ’n spesifieke streek ’n definitiewe behoefte daartoe het nie. Dit kan wel onstaan deur middel van ’n spontane samevloei van politieke regimes, ekonomiese beleid en veiligheid. Daar is soms egter ’n spesifieke gebeurtenis wat die proses laat onstaan. Die studie argumenteer dat die sogenaamde Ontwikkelings Deurgange (‘Development Corridors’) wat tans in Suider-Afrika ontwikkel as ’n moontlike vertrekpunt gesien kan word wat die beste kans bied om samewerking tussen state te bevorder. Die onstaan van Vredes Parke (‘Peace Parks’) gevestig binne die Ontwikkelings Deurgange, bied ’n unieke vorm van regionale integrasie in Suider-Afrika. Hierdie studie het ten doel om die potensiële moontlikheid van regionale hegemonie om vrede te bewerkstellig deur middel van ontwikkeling te ontleed. Die hoof doelwit van hierdie studie is om die rol van regionale hegemonie as instrument van vrede te ontleed. Die studie sal spesifiek die gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se regionale hegemonie in Suider-Afrika ondersoek. Hierdie studie beskryf die belangrikheid van Suid-Afrika as ’n streeks moondheid om die leiding te neem om vreedsame samewerking binne die SAOG te bewerkstellig. Die volgende belangrike vrae is in hierdie studie gestel: Wat is Suid-Afrika se rol as ’n ontwikkelings-vennoot in Suider-Afrika? Die tweede vraag probeer vasstel tot watter mate die politieke ekonomie van regionale samewerking tans bestaan in die Omgewings Ontwikkelings Indikatore (die sogenaamde ‘Development Corridors’). Watter spesifieke bydraes kan hierdie inisiatiewe lewer om die SAOG se regionale integrasie doelwitte te bereik? Die vrae probeer ’n geheel indruk skep hoe die Omgewings-Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (‘Spatial Development Initiatives’) tans bydra om ’n beter begrip te skep van huidige verwikkelinge in Suider-Afrika.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The deteriorating human rights situations in Myanmar and Zimbabwe have drawn concerns from the international community. Mainly Western states and NGOs have criticised both governments and urged strong action from the regional organisations, namely ASEAN and SADC. However, because of the deeply rooted non-intervention norm in these regions, Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, the human rights situation in both states long remained serious. Recently however, ASEAN has taken up a strong stance towards Myanmar. On the contrary, SADC has showed reluctance to respond to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe. The question arises why these two regional organisations have showed different responses? In other words, the ASEAN member states have become relaxed and accepted the new human rights norm, discarding the traditional non-intervention norm, while the SADC member states still stick to the norm of non-intervention. In order to find answers, the focus in this thesis is on the process of socialisation which means that the actors adopt new norms which are also accepted by society as a whole. Three mechanisms which lead to socialisation, namely strategic calculation, role-playing and normative suasion, are discussed. The conclusion reached is that regional organisation can play a role in inducing the member states to accept the new norm, in the process the regional organisation is also socialised through interaction with other international organisations and actors. Here, historical background, and particularly the process of gaining independence in SADC heavily influenced the socialisation process in this region. SADC member states‘ liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid led to the formation of strong bonds among member states that has made it difficult for respective state leaders to criticise each other. Such strong bonds do not exist in Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia, member states interact actively with external actors such as the EU and NGOs. Thus they become receptive to human rights norms; in turn, the regional organisation itself has been socialised and has become relaxed enough to discard the non-intervention norm. Also an increasingly large middle class has become interested in the human rights situation in its neighbouring countries. These are the factors which have led to the differing responses from ASEAN and SADC to human rights abuses in their regions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nadat hulle onafhanklikheid gekry het, het die menseregte situasie in Myanmar en Zimbabwe agteruitgegaan. Die internasionale gemeenskap, meestal Westerse state en nie-regerings organisasies het albei regerings gekritiseer en die streeksorganisasies, naamlik ASEAN en SADC, dringend versoek om streng op te tree. Weens die diep-gewortelde nie-intervensie norm in beide Suidoos-Asië en Suider-Afrika het die menseregte situasie egter lank ernstig gebly. ASEAN het egter meer onlangs sterk standpunt ingeneem teenoor Myanmar. Maar SADC is nog steeds onwillig om te reageer op die menseregte vergrype in Zimbabwe. Die vraag is nou waarom hierdie twee streeksorganisasies so verskillend opgetree het. Die lidstate van ASEAN het ontspanne geraak en die nuwe menseregte norme aanvaar en die tradisionele nie-intervensie norm laat vaar, terwyl SADC lidstate nog hou by die nie-intervensie norm . In die soek na antwoorde, is die fokus van hierdie tesis op die proses van sosialisering wat beteken dat die akteurs nuwe norme wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap as geheel aanvaar word, aanneem. Die drie meganismes wat lei tot sosialisering, naamlik strategiese berekening, rol-speling en normatiewe oorreding, word bespreek. Die slotsom waartoe gekom word is dat streeksorganisasies ‘n rol kan speel in die oorreding van lidstate om die nuwe norm te aanvaar en dat die streeksorganisasies in die proses deur interaksie met ander internasionale organisasies en akteurs, self gesosialiseer word. Historiese agtergrond en veral die proses waardeur onafhanklikheid in die lande van Suider-Afrika verkry is, het die sosialisasie proses in die area beïnvloed. SADC lidstate se vryheidstryd teen kolonialisme en apartheid het sterk bande tussen lidstate gesmee en dit moeilik gemaak vir die leiers van die state om mekaar te kritiseer. Daar bestaan nie sulke sterk bande in Suidoos-Asië nie. Verder is daar in Suidoos-Asië aktiewe interaksie met ander organisasies soos die Europese Unie en met nie-regerings organisasies. Dus is hulle meer ontvanklik vir menseregte norms. Op hulle beurt is die streeksorganisasies ook gesosialiseer en het hulle ontspanne genoeg geraak om af te sien van die nie-intervensie norm. Die groeiende middelklas het ook geïnteresseerd geraak in die menseregte situasie in hulle eie en in die buurlande. Dit is die faktore wat gelei het tot die verskillende reaksies van ASEAN en SADC tot die menseregte vergrype in hulle onderskeie streke.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the validity of arguments highlighting the inadequacy of existing theories to explain Third World and specifically African realities, criticism has perpetuated, rather than disarmed, status quo theories. This is because focus on (and thus within) the existing conceptual framework has impeded vision beyond these barriers, thereby hampering the formation of new, more applicable theories. The intellectual balance of power and methodological hegemony of the West is perpetuated, on the African continent through Western monopoly over course content in tertiary education as well as the preferences of publishers for Africanist rather than African contributions. This study provides a critical assessment of scholarly dominance on the topic of Africa in order contribute to a greater understanding of the dynamics acting to exclude non-Western ideas and experiences from the IR narrative. The study provides a content analysis of 25 peer-rated influential journals publishing IR content for the period January 2000 to August 2010. The aim was to identify dominant themes and scholars on the topic of Africa in IR. General biographical information on the five highest ranking scholars in terms of publication exposure was gathered in order to assess networks of academic and professional affiliation that could have contributed to their publishing success. Dominant themes vary between African, Third World and international-oriented journals. Governance is a prevalent theme throughout, but African journals prefer intervention to the international journals’ preoccupation with conflict in Africa. Third World Journals place development first. The five most prolific authors are Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku and Chris Alden. They are all currently lecturing at either American or British academic institutions and are all Africanists, save for Poku who is a diasporic African. Networks of affiliation are established through institutions of higher education primarily and through societal memberships. The internet does not seem to be an important tool of networking amongst Africanists. Dominant authors tend to collaborate, serve as article reviewers or on editorial boards of journals for which they also submit articles, and as research grant proposal reviewers, thus also constituting the gatekeepers in academia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van geldige argumente wat aanvoer dat bestaande teorieë nie in staat is daartoe om Derdewêreld ervarings – spesifiek dié van Afrika – genoegsaam te begryp nie, het kritiek eerder hierdie teorieë versterk as ontsetel. Dit is omdat fokus op (en dus vanuit) bestaande teoretiese raamwerke die oorweging van elemente buite hierdie raamwerke onmoontlik maak, en sodoende die ontstaan van nuwe, meer verteenwoordigende raamwerke, teenwerk. Die intellektuele magsbalans en metodologiese hegemonie van die Weste word voortgesit, selfs op die Afrika kontinent, deur Westerse monopolie oor die kursusinhoude van tersiêre instansies, sowel as deur die voorkeur wat Afrikaniste se bydraes geniet bo dié van Afrikane vir publikasie. Hierdie studie bied ‘n kritiese analise van dominansie in kundigheid oor die onderwerp van Afrika om sodoende by te dra tot ‘n meer omskrywende geheelbeeld van die dinamiek wat nie-Westerse idees en ervarings uitsluit tot die diskoers van Internasionale Betrekkinge. Die navorsing is in die vorm van ‘n inhoudsanalise van 25 invloedryke joernale wat inhoud relevant tot Internasionale Betrekkinge publiseer, vir die periode Januarie 2000 tot Augustus 2010. Die doel is om dominante temas en kundiges oor die onderwerp van Afrika se internasionale betrekkinge te identifiseer. Biografiese inligting oor die vyf mees bedrewe kundiges in terme van publikasies is ingesamel om die netwerke van akademiese en professionele affiliasie wat moontlik tot hulle status kon bydra, te assesseer. Dominante temas verskil tussen Afrika-, Derdewêreld- en internasionaal-georiënteerde joernale. Regeerkunde is deurgaans ‘n prominente tema, maar die Afrika-joernale verkies intervensie teenoor die internasionale joernale se fokus op konflik in Afrika. Derdewêreld-joernale plaas meer klem op ontwikkeling. Die vyf mees bedrewe outeurs is Ian Taylor, Kevin C. Dunn, Cameron G. Thies, Nana K. Poku en Chris Alden. Hulle is almal lektore by Amerikaanse of Britse akademiese instansies en, behalwe vir Poku wat deel van die Afrika diaspora vorm, is hulle almal Afrikaniste. Netwerke van affiliasie word deur instansies van hoër opleiding of lidmaatskap aan professionele assosiasies bewerkstellig. Die internet is klaarblyklik nie ‘n baie belangrik instrument in kontakbouing vir Afrikaniste nie. Dominante outeurs is geneig om saam te skryf, hulle is dikwels die artikelkeurders vir joernale of dien op die redaksie en tree ook dikwels in ‘n hoedanigheid van keurders van navorsingsbefondsing op. As sulks is hulle gelyk die dominante akademici as die waghonde van die ivoortoring.