Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment investigates the bargaining relationship between multinational corporations (MNCs) and developing countries. The units of analysis of this study in Global Political Economy are MNCs (non-state actors) and nation-states. In the contemporary global production structure the 'balance of power' between MNCs and developing countries has shifted in favour of MNCs. Descriptive secondary sources were used to illustrate the MNC-State bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the contemporary global economy nation-states only rarely still compete for territory, but rather for wealth-creating activities to be located within their borders. Important changes in the global production structure have resulted in the increased mobility and economic power of MNCs. These developments have affected the strategic relationship between MNCs and nation-states and the former have used their advantage to gain preferential treatment in the bargaining process. The nation-states are also competing amongst themselves for the investment and technology and knowledge transfers from these firms. Privatisation programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa have substantially increased MNC participation on the continent, which has been historically marginalised from global foreign direct investment receipts. Research has shown that MNC participation in infrastructure service provision is more efficient than government ownership. However, this does not constitute a loss of sovereignty, but rather emphasises the changing role of nation-states as facilitators of global market relations. On examination, the distinct bargaining relationship in telecommunications privatisation clearly illustrates the dependence of Sub-Saharan African countries on technologically advanced MNCs. Thus, the 'balance of power' has shifted more to MNCs in the global political economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingswerkstuk ondersoek die bedingingsverhouding tussen multinasionale korporasies (MNKs) en ontwikkelende lande. Die ondersoekeenhede in die studie van die Globale Politieke Ekonomie is MNKs (nie-staatrolspelers) en regeringstate. In die huidige globale produksiestruktuur het die mag tussen MNKs en ontwikkelende lande verander sodat die MNKs nou die magsoorwig het. Beskrywende sekondêre bronne is gebruik om die MNK-regeringstaat se bedingingsverhouding in telekommunikasie privatisering in Sub-Sahara Afrika te illustreer. In die teenswoordige globale ekonomie kompeteer regeringstate selde met mekaar om territoriale mag, maar oorwegend om welvaartskeppende bedrywe binne hul grense aan te moedig. Belangrike veranderings in die globale produksiestruktuur het MNKs se mobiliteit en ekonomiese mag verhoog. Hierdie ontwikkelinge het die strategiese verhouding tussen MNKs en regeringstate verander. MNKs gebruik hierdie invloed om voordeel te trek uit regeringstate wat kompeteer vir belegging en die tegnologie- en kennisoordrag van hierdie korporasies. Privatiseringsprogramme in Sub-Sahara Afrika het MNK-deelname op die kontinent verhoog, wat histories gemarginaliseer is van buitelandse direkte belegging. Navorsing dui daarop dat MNKs se deelname in infrastruktuurdienslewering meer doeltreffend is, as wanneer dit onder staatsbeheer is. Dit lei egter nie tot 'n verlies aan soeweriniteit nie, maar beklemtoon die regeringstaat se veranderde rol as fasiliteerder van globale markverhoudinge. Die ondersoek na die uitsonderlike bedingingsverhouding in die privatisering van telekommunikasie beklemtoon Sub-Sahara Afrika se afhanklikheid van tegnologies-ontwikkelde MNKs. Die magsbalans het gevolglik na die MNKs oorskuif in die globale politieke ekonomie.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1994 the new ANC led South African Government has introduced a number of policies that have been aimed at promoting equality in all spheres of life including the employment sector. Forming an important part of these policies has been the upliftment of women who were severely discriminated against under the former Apartheid government. But in recent years uncertainty has risen over whether white women should be included in these upliftment policies. The research problem this thesis tries to address consists of two related problems. Firstly inconsistency seems to exist between the government's two different upliftment policies namely Affirmative Action and Transformation with regards to the inclusion of white women. The second problem is that inconsistency exists between people's opinions over whether white women should be included in policies aimed at promoting equality in the employment sector. This thesis used both qualitative and quantitative methods to address the research problem. With regards to the first problem this thesis studied Affirmative Action legislation the most important being the Employment Equity Act as well government's Transformation policies the most important being the Black Economic Empowerment Act in order to identify the inconsistencies that exist between the two. In order to address the second problem this thesis studies the qualitative arguments of academics for and against the inclusion of white women in Affirmative action. Two case studies are also included which identify the experiences of African and white women in the employment sector under Affirmative Action. Once this is done this thesis moves onto a quantitative method of measurment by study the results of the Markinor M-Bus survey conducted in 2004 in order to identify the opinions of the general South African population with regards to the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. The results of the M-Bus survey is also used to test the hypotheses introduced in this thesis. These hypotheses aim at identifying whether demographic variables affect South African's opinions on the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. Six demographic variables were studied namely race, gender, political party support, education, income and age. This thesis clearly finds that Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment do not correspond with each other with regards to the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. While this thesis identifies that tension exists between academics supporting the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action and those opposing it, it argues that it is difficult to discem which group is right especially when this thesis tries to maintain an objective position. After studying the results of the M-Bus survey this thesis finds that overall the general South African population is seen to oppose the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. After testing the hypotheses this thesis also finds that age and gender do not affect South African's opinions with regards to the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. They therefore do not play the role of independent variables. Education, income, political party support and race are found to play the role of independent variables. This thesis argues that these four demographic variables are all components forming a larger composite independent variable in the study. This thesis also argues that some of these demographic variables may play the role of more significant independent variables than others. Race is argued as being possibly the most significant independent variable within this composite independent variable affecting income, political party and education. It is also seen to affect gender and age. Education is also argued by this thesis as possibly being a more signi ficant independent variable than income and political party support. This thesis concludes by arguing that education could possibly replace race in the future as the most significant independent variable which affects the opinions of South Africans with regards to the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action. This would have a positive affect it could narrow the racial cleavage existing between race groups in South Africa today. This thesis also concludes by arguing that the inconsistency that exists between Affirmative Action and the Government's Transformation policies as well as the polarization of opinions between South Africans with regards to the inclusion of white women in Affirmative Action has a negative affect on democratic consolidation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert 1994 het die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse regenng, onder leiding van die ANC, verskeie nuwe beleide in werking gestel wat daarop gemik is om gelykheid in alle sfere van die samelewing te bevorder, insluitende die indiensneming-sektor. 'n Belangrike deel van hierdie beleide is die opheffing van vroue, teen wie daar swaar gediskrimineer was tydens die Apartheid regering se bewind. Daar het egter in die onlangse verlede onsekerheid onstaan oor die insluiting van blanke vroue in hierdie opheffingsbeleide. Die navorsingsprobleem wat deur hierdie tesis aangespreek word bestaan uit twee verwante probleme. Eerstens blyk dit dat daar 'n teenstrydigheid bestaan tussen die regering se twee opheffingsbeleide, Regstellende Aksie en Transformasie, wat die insluiting van blanke vroue betref. Die tweede probleem is die meningsverskil wat bestaan in die openbare mening oor die insluiting van blanke vroue in beleide wat daarop gemik is om gelykheid te bevorder in die indiensneming-sektor. Hierdie tesis het kwalitatiewe sowel as kwantitatiewe metodes gebruik om die navorsingsprobleem aan te spreek. Met betrekking tot die eerste probleem, het hierdie tesis die Regstellende Aksie wetgewing, wat die Wet op Gelyke Indiensneming sowel as die regering se Transformasie beleide, waarvan die Wets op Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging die belangrikste is, bestudeer om die teenstrydighede wat tussen die twee is te identifiseer. Kwalitatiewe argumente, vir en teen die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie, word bestudeer om die tweede probleem aan te spreek. Twee gevalle studies word ook ingesluit wat die ervarings van swart vroue en blanke vroue in die indiensneming-sektor onder Regstellende Aksie identifiseer. Wanneer dit afgehandel is, beweeg die tesis na 'n kwantitatiewe metode van meting deur die resultate van die Markinor M-Bus meningsopname, wat in 2004 plaasgevind het, om die algemene Suid-Afrikaanse publiek se opinies met betrekking tot die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie te peil. Die resultate van die M-Bus meningsopname word ook gebruik om die hipoteses wat deur hierdie tesis aangebied word te toets. Hierdie hipoteses mik daarna om uit te vind of demografiese veranderlikes Suid-Afrikaners se menings oor die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie beïnvloed. Ses demografiese veranderlikes word bestudeer, naamlik ras, geslag, ondersteuning van 'n politieke party, opvoeding, inkomste en ouderdom. Daar word duidelik bevind dat Regstellende Aksie en Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging nie met mekaar korrespondeer ten opsigte van die insluiting van blanke vrouens in Regstellende Aksie nie. Terwyl hierdie tesis die spanning tussen akademici wat die insluiting van blanke vroue steun en die wat daarteen gekant is erken, stel dit voor dat dit moeilik is om vas te stel watter groep reg is, veral wanneer daar gepoog word om 'n objektiewe beskouing te handhaaf. Namate die resultate van die M-Bus meningsopname bestudeer is, vind hierdie tesis dat die algemene Suid-Afrikaanse publiek gekant is teen die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie. Nadat die hipoteses getoets is, vind hierdie tesis dat ouderdom en geslag nie Suid- Afrikaners se menings oor die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie beïnvloed nie. Geslag en ouderdom speel daarom nie die rol van onafhanklike veranderlikes nie. Opvoeding, inkomste, ondersteuning van 'n politieke party en ras speel wel die rol van onafhanklike veranderlikes. Hierdie tesis voer aan dat hierdie vier demografiese veranderlikes almal komponente vorm van a groter, saamgestelde onafhanklike veranderlike. Verder word daar aangevoer dat sommige van hierdie demografiese veranderlikes 'n belangriker rol as ander mag speel. Ras word voorgestel as die mees belangrike onafhanklike veranderlike binne hierdie saamgestelde veranderlike, wat inkomste, ondersteuning van politieke party en opvoeding beïnvloed. Dit blyk ook dat geslag en ouderdom beïnvloed word. Daar word ook aangevoer dat opvoeding moontlik 'n belangriker onafhanklike veranderlike is as inkomste en ondersteuning van 'n politieke party. Die tesis word afgesluit met die argument dat opvoeding in die toekoms ras as die mees belangrike onafhanklike veranderlike kan vervang betreffende die invloed op menings van Suid-Afrikaners ten opsigte van die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie. Dit sal 'n positiewe invloed hê in die sin dat dit die rasseverdeeldheid wat steeds in Suid-Afrika heers kan verminder. Verder kom hierdie tesis tot die gevolgtrekking dat die teenstrydighede wat tussen Regstellende Aksie en Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtinging bestaan sowel as die polarisasie onder Suid- Afrikaners se menings ten opsigte van die insluiting van blanke vroue in Regstellende Aksie, 'n negatiewe uitwerking op demokratiese konsolidasie het.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie-ondersoek is gerig op die rol wat die NRVP (Nasionale Raad Van Provinsies), as die tweede huis van die Parlement. Die werk is spesifiek gerig op die manier hoe die NRVP vaar in hul debatvoerings, asook in hul verteenwoordiging van provinsies soos voorgeskryf in die Grondwet. Sub-artikel 42 (4) van die grondwet stipuleer dat "die NRVP verteenwoordig die provinsies om te verseker dat provinsiale belange in ag geneem word op die nasionale sfeer van die regering." (RSA Wet 108 van 1996). Die vraag wat hierdie studie poog om te antwoord, is die volgende: werk die NRVP in hul debatsvoerings om die belange van die provinsies in die nasionale wetgewer te verteenwoordig inplaas van die belange van die party in beheer van 'n spesifieke provinsie? In die beantwoording van hierdie navorsings-vraag, is die studie benadering kwalitatief in aard. Met ander woorde - data invorderings metodes was beperk tot dokumente en ander belangrike bronne soos NRVP publikasies, naamlik die "NCOP News" en die "NCOP Review". Na 'n bestudering van literatuur rondom die tweede huis van Parlement, het hierdie studie bevind dat vir die tweede huis om 'n effektiewe rol te speel in die wetgewer, die Grondwet dit moet toerus met genoegsame wetgewende magte. Dit beteken onder andere dat die grondwet die tweede huis 'n veto-reg gee oor alle wetsontwerpe wat hulle jurisdiksie raak. Waar 'n veto-reg nie bestaan nie, ongeag die wetgewende mag wat die NRVP mag hê, sal dit bieg gebuk gaan onder die beskuldiging dat dit 'n rubberstempel plaas op wetsontwerpe uitgevaardig deur die Nasionale Vergadering. Die NRVP val in dieselfde katagorie van tweede huise wat nie 'n veto-reg het oor wetsontwerpe wat provinsies raak. Die NRVP se wetgewende mag oor hierdie wetsonwerpe word geskoei op die Nasionale Vergadering se twee-derde meerderheid en gevolglik bly dit ondergeskik aan die Nasionale Vergadering. Verder, administratiewe-en kommunikasie-probleme wat ondervind word deur die liggaam, hinder dit in die rol van verteenwoordiger van die provinsies. Gelykstaande hieraan, is die dominering van die bewindvoerende party - die ANC. In die provinsies is dit moeilik om vas te stel of die voorskrifte van die provinsiale wetgewer werklik handel oor die belange van die provinsies self of die is van die party in die meerderheid.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite the abolition of Apartheid in 1994, the entrenched effects of discriminatory policies remain prevalent in terms of socio-economic inequalities between racial groups in South Africa. Nevertheless, throughout the Apartheid era the Indian population of South Africa seems to have maintained a distinct economic advantage when compared to Africans and Coloureds. This dynamic is indeed puzzling as these three racial groups were all subject to discriminatory Apartheid legislation. In an attempt to find an appropriate explanatory variable for this trend, I tum to the notion of social capital (social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them). Arriving in South Africa in 1860 as indentured labourers on Natal's sugar plantations, the Indian community in South Africa indeed continues to display distinct dynamics with regards to social organization in the post- Apartheid era. In light of these dynamics, this study aims to assess the relationship between levels of social capital and income generation amongst the African, Coloured and Indian communities in South Africa. It is hypothesized that a distinct set of associational networks within the Indian community, shaped by a specific historical trajectory, are directly related to the heightened income generation capacity of this racial group. The vanous dimensions of social capital assessed in this study include: membership of voluntary organizations, informal social ties, participation in religious organizations and trust. Findings indicate that it is particularly within the realm of informal social ties that Indians derive a distinct economic advantage. The effect remains once the impact of education is taken into consideration. This exploratory study therefore makes a valuable contribution towards the analysis of social capital within South Africa's different race groups, allowing for more valid indicators to be developed in the future. Future studies will need to identify the seeds which need to be planted if social capital is to grow organically, not only within, but more importantly between race groups. This will no doubt make a lasting contribution towards addressing the widespread socio-economic challenges currently faced by South Africa's emerging democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van die afskaffing van Apartheid in 1994, is die gevolge van diskriminerende wetgewing in terme van sosio-ekonomiese ongelykhede tussen bevolkingsgroepe in Suid Afrika nog steeds sigbaar. Nietemin het die Indiër bevolking van Suid Afrika, in vergelyking met Kleurlinge en Swartes, gedurende Apartheid 'n duidelike ekonomiese voorsprong behou. Hierdie dinamika is inderdaad verwarrend aangesien al drie hierdie bevolkingsgroepe aan diskriminerende Apartheidswetgewing onderworpe was. In 'n poging om 'n toepaslike verklarende veranderlike vir hierdie tendens te vind, ondersoek hierdie studie sosiale kapitaal (sosiale netwerke en norme van wederkerigheid en vertroue). Die Indiër bevolking, wat in 1860 as kontrakarbeiders op Natal se suikerplantasies in die land aangekom het, toon inderdaad selfs na die afskaffing van Apartheid nog spesifieke tendense met betrekkeng tot hulle onderlinge sosiale bande. Teen die agtergrond van hierdie dinamika het hierdie studie ten doel om die verband tussen vlakke van sosiale kapitaal en inkomstegenerering onder Swartes, Kleurlinge en Indiërs te ontleed. Die hipotese word gestel dat 'n duidelike stel gemeenskaplike netwerke onder Indiërs, gevorm deur spesifieke historiese gebeure, direk verband hou met hierdie bevolkingsgroep se verhoogde kapasiteit vir inkomstegenerering. Die verskillende dimensies van sosiale kapitaal wat in hierdie studie ontleed word, sluit in: lidmaatskap van vrywillige organisasies, informele sosiale bande, deelname aan Godsdienstige aktiwiteite en vertoue. Die studie bevind dat veral informele sosiale bande aan Indiërs 'n duidelike ekonomiese voorsprong bied. Hierdie bevinding bly onveranderd selfs nadat die invloed van opvoeding in ag geneem word. Hierdie verkennende studie lewer dus 'n waardevolle bydrae tot die ontleding van sosiale kapitaal tussen verskillende bevolkingsgroepe in Suid Afrika en baan sodoende die weg vir die ontwikkeling van meer geldige aanwysers in die toekoms. Sulke studies sal die saad moet identifiseer wat geplant moet word om die organiese groei van sosiale kapitaal te stimuleer, nie net binne nie, maar meer belangrik tussen bevolkingsgroepe. Dit sal sonder twyfel 'n blywende bydrae lewer om die sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings wat Suid Afrika se ontwikkelende demokrasie tans ondervind, volledig aan te spreek.

Bibliography / Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research paper offers an analysis of new terrorism as a concept for analysis in Political Risk. In order to assess the novelty and value of new terrorism it is juxtaposed with old terrorism. This analysis uses a historical comparative method in which three terrorist groups, within two distinct historical periods, are discussed and compared. The first historical period is 1945-2000 and assesses old terrorism through a descriptive assessment of the Muslim Brotherhood and Hezbollah. The second historical period, 2001-2009, provides a descriptive assessment of al-Qaeda. The primary variables for analysis with regards to the terrorist groups selected herein are goals, targets and tactics. Also discussed is the secondary variable structure. A number of key findings indicate that there are more similarities than there are differences between old and new terrorism. The novelty and value of new terrorism is thus limited as a concept for analysis within Political Risk Analysis. The conclusion of this research paper establishes that for a normative conceptualisation of terrorism to exist, and have value, it must consider both old and new terrorism. This normative understanding of terrorism better serves the purpose of mitigation within the sphere of Political Risk Analysis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bied .n ontleding van nuwe terrorisme as .n begrip vir ontleding in Politieke Risiko. Ten einde die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme te evalueer, word dit naas ou terrorisme gestel. Hierdie ontleding gebruik .n histories-vergelykende metode waarin drie terroristegroepe, in twee afsonderlike historiese tydperke, bespreek en vergelyk word. Die eerste historiese tydperk strek van 1945.2000 en evalueer ou terrorisme met behulp van .n beskrywende evaluering van die Moslem Broederskap en Hezbollah. Die tweede historiese tydperk, 2001.2009, bied .n beskrywende evaluering van al-Qaeda. Die primere veranderlikes vir ontleding met betrekking tot die terroristegroepe wat hierin aangewys is, is doelstellings, teikens en taktiek. Verder word die sekondere veranderlike struktuur bespreek. .n Aantal belangrike bevindinge dui daarop dat daar meer ooreenkomste as verskille tussen ou en nuwe terrorisme bestaan. Die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme het dus beperkinge vir ontleding as .n begrip in Politieke Risiko-ontleding. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie dui dus daarop dat, vir .n normatiewe konseptualisering van terrorisme om te bestaan, en ook waarde te he, dit beide ou en nuwe terrorisme in berekening moet bring. Hierdie normatiewe begrip van terrorisme dien die doel van tempering binne die sfeer van Politieke Risiko-ontleding beter.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past three decades the practice of international election observation has shifted its focus from elections taking place within a decolonialisation context, to those in independent, but formerly undemocratic, states. The latter accepted the presence of international observers with some reservation, citing the contention that observation amounted to an infringement on national sovereignty. The demise of the former East Block, however, established the primacy of the liberal democratic ideology in world politics, leaving these states with a limited choice between democratisation and isolation. Pro-democracy supporters in former authoritarian countries embraced the change in ideological climate. Realising the lack of capacity and trust to run elections by themselves, they generally supported the presence of international observers in elections of states emerging from prolonged periods of authoritarianism. Over the past decade this affinity with international missions has been transformed into skepticism. Three primary reasons for this disenchantment have been the apparent lack of electoral standards, uncoordinated observer missions and failure to convince voters of their impartiality. This assignment represents a scholarly attempt to evaluate the contributions of international election observers to South African elections. On a theoretical level it addresses the three criticisms against foreign observation. Drawing on the vast body of international literature, the author suggests three countermeasures. These suggestions, aimed at enhancing the contributions of international observer consist of: 1) a greater consideration for the political context within which an election takes place; 2) the pooling of international observer capacity and 3) more scope to, and cooperation with, local observer groups. Each of these measures is transferred to the South African electoral reality to establish the extent of their application in this practical context. With regard to the first proposal the author finds that clear consideration has been given to contextual factors in both elections. An assessment of the quality of coordination of international observer groups also indicates that the practice of pooling resources have been employed with success by a number of missions. In this field the U.N. played a leading role. Cooperation between international observers and their local counterparts is however an aspect that has been lagging behind. The opportunity for capacity building, a significant benefit of such cooperation, has therefore to a large extent been lost. In the light of this, and the uncertainty of future international involvement, the author asserts that in future South Africans will increasingly be dependent on the cultivation of homegrown capacity. He therefore believes that initiatives such as the creation of the SADC Electoral Forum in 1998 are commendable and should be encouraged. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fokus van internasionale verkiesingwaarneming het in die loop van die laaste drie dekades wesenlik verskuif van die tradisionele dekolonisasie verkiesingskonteks, na waarneming binne onafhanklike state waar die omskakeling van outoritêre na demokratiese regeringsvorms redelik onlangs plaasgevind het. Laasgenoemde state moes waarnemers, en die verkiesings wat waargeneem is, met voorbehoud aanvaar. Die alternatiewe was egter beperk. Die val van die voormalige Oosblok en die gevolglike triomf van die liberale demokrasie, het ondemokratiese state met 'n eenvoudige keuse gelaat: hervorm of staar isolasie in die gesig. Pro-demokratiese groepe in voormalige outoritêre state het die nuwe klimaat van politieke vryheid verwelkom. In die besef dat nuwe demokrasieë waarskynlik nie oor die nodige ervaring en wedersydse vertroue binne die bevolking beskik om verkiesings volkome te laat vlot nie, is buitelandse bystand - met inbegrip van internasionale waarneming - deur dié groepe verwelkom. In die afgelope dekade het die positiewe konnotasie aan internasionale verkiesingswaarneming egter in gedrang gekom. Drie kernredes hiervoor was die skynbare gebrek aan universele verkiesingstandaarde, swak georganiseerde waarnemer afvaardigings en 'n algemene gebrek om hul motiewe bo verdenking te plaas. Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie werkstuk is die evaluasie van die bydraes gemaak deur internasionale verkiesingswaarnemers in die twee Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings van 1994 en 1999. Op 'n teoretiese vlak is die drie bogenoemde gebreke aangespreek, en na raadpleging van internasionale literatuur oor die onderwerp is drie teenmaatreëls geidentifiseer. Hierdie aktiwiteite, gemik op meer effektiewe internasionale betrokkenheid bestaan uit: 1) groter aandag wat geskenk moet word aan politeke konteks; 2) die kombinering van internasionale waarnemer vaardighede vir beter resultate, en 3) groter klem wat gelê moet word op samewerking tussen nasionale en internasionale waarnemers. Elkeen van hierdie vereistes is oorgedra na die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesingskonteks om vas te stel tot watter mate dié gebruike in Suid-Afrika wortel geskied het. Wat betref die eerste voorstel met betrekking tot konteksgebonde evaluasie, is daar vasgestel dat dit wel deel was van internasionale waarnemer praktyk in beide verkiesings. 'n Waardeskatting van die koordinasie van internasionale waarnemingsgroepe dui verder daarop dat samewerking tussen waarnemergroepe oor die algemeen bygedra het tot 'n versterking van inisiatiewe deur internasionale waarnemers. Op hierdie gebied het die Verenigde Nasies veral 'n sleutelrol gespeel. 'n Aspek wat egter agterweë gebly het, is die vlak van samewerking tussen internasionale waarnemers en hul Suid- Afrikaanse eweknieë. Hier is 'n waardevolle geleentheid verspeel om die kapasiteit van plaaslike verkiesingswaarnemers te versterk. Dit, en die feit dat toekomstige internasionale teenwoordigheid in die toekoms nie 'n sekerheid is nie, sal volgens die skrywer, beteken dat Suid-Afrikaners in die toekoms toenemend aangewese sal wees op die ontwikkeling van eie kapasiteit. In die lig hiervan moet inisiatiewe soos SAOG se nuutgestigte Verkiesingsforum verwelkom en aangemoedig word.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Private Militere- en Sekuriteitsmaatskappye (PMSMe) is vinnig besig om 'n permanente struktuur in privaatsekuriteit te word. Skadelike uitwerkings van hierdie PMSMe, wanpersepsies ingesluit, is 'n gevolg van die antagonisme teenoor die maatskappye en hul betrokkenheid in burgeroorloë. PMSMe word met huursoldate vergelyk en gevolglik word die privaatsekuriteitsindustrie met kwessies rondom definiering gekwel. PMSMe, anders as huursoldate, is egter wettige entiteite. Om hierdie rede word PMSMe dikwels as "korporatiewe krygsmanne" (corporate warriors) beskryf. PMSMe, as private maatksappye, vul dikwels die sekuriteitsgapings wat deur die internasionale reaksies tot burgeroorloë in Afrika gelaat is. Hul kontrakte met legitieme regerings bied 'n goedkoop en effektiewe middel om die geweld van burgeroorloë te beëindig. Die gebruik van PMSMe het, gedurende die afgelope jare, in beide swak- en sterk state toegeneem. Antipatie dien steeds as in vername afkeur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Dit daag dus die gebruik van PMSMe uit. Hulle word steeds met huursoldate in die internasionale gemeenskap verwar. Terselfdertyd word geargumenteer dat PMSMe die soewereiniteit van swak regerings ondermyn, dat hulle nie verantwoordbaar aan die burgers van hierdie state is nie, dat hulle inbreuk maak op menseregte, dat hulle nie die kernoorsake van konflik oplos nie, en dat hulle tot militarisering bydra. Die toename in burgerlike konflikte in Afrika, tesame met die oorskot militêre vakkundiges na die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het gemaak dat huursoldate in Afrika se vryheidstryde betrokke geraak het. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog - gedurende 'n tydperk waar liberale ekonomiese praktyke en privatisering voorrang geniet het - was professionele wettige PMSMe byderhand om die sekuriteitsgaping aan te vul. Hierdie is dus wettige maatskappye wat nie internasionale konvensies skend nie, wat verantwoordbaar is aan sekere tuisstaatwetgewing, en wat vrede in Angola en Sierra Leone meegebring het. Internasionale reaksies tot sekuriteitskwessies - veral die sigbaar in Afrika - word deur 'n oormaat van komplekse burgerlike konflikte, wat gelyktydig aandag van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) verg, belas. Hiervolgens is dit moontlik dat PMSMe wel toegerus mag wees om Hoofstuk II-mandate van die VN Handves uit te voer. Die rede hiervoor is dat die PMSMe wel toegerus is om robuuste toepassings funksies te verrig. Dit het veral vorendag gekom gedurende 'n tydperk toe die Weste huiwerig was om by sekuriteitskwessies in te meng. Hoer vlakke van verantwoordbaarheid en oorsig word moontlik meer vereis. Die dienste van PMSMe is voordelig vir vele belanghebbendes. Hierdie sluit die state in waar hul gekontrakteer het, die state waarin hulle optree, die burgers wat hulle beskerm, die winsgewendherd vir aandeelhouers van die PMSMe en die diamant- en oliemaatskappye deur wie hul gekontrakteer mag wees om installasies te beskerm. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie tesis is dus dat PMSMe 'n vinniger en meer koste-effektiewe opsie vir vredemaking in Afrika bied. Al is die gebruik van PMSMe nie afhanklik van die regulering van die industrie nie, sal die PMSMe-industrie by 'n verhoging in self-regulering in daardie sektore baat vind. Met relevante en meer effektiewe markregulering, kan PMSMe dus as 'n oplossing in Afrika se burgerlike konflik dien. Anders as in die Ballesteros verslag, sal die VN dit moet erken.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1993, international food aid reached a record high level, but by 1997 food aid had fallen to its lowest level in more than two decades. Though the post-1993 decline of food aid has been the dominant trend in food aid, there has also been a significant growth in food aid during the period in question. This thesis aims to understand the paradoxical, but parallel, growth and decline of food aid since 1993 from a neo- Gramscian perspective. The neo-Gramscian approach to international relations is a historically sensitive, non-deterministic Marxist perspective, normatively committed to transformation towards a more just world order. This perspective assists us in understanding the relative freedom enjoyed by the hegemon from the structural and institutional constraints faced by other states. The neo-Gramscian approach is unique in indicating the role of middle powers and international organisations in perpetuating and legitimising the hegemonic order, whereby middle powers strongly support international organisations. The decline of food aid occurred because agricultural surplus availability has remained the most important factor determining food aid levels, with food aid consequently declining as cereal prices increased after 1993. Furthermore, the food aid regime has proved too weak to enforce a severing of the link between food aid and agricultural surplus for most states, particularly the largest food aid donor and hegemon, the United States. The growth of food aid has been the result of the support given to relevant international organisations and agreements by middle powers, despite middle powers initially having been manipulated into participating in the food aid regime by the hegemonic United States. The possible implications of the trends identified in this study for the future of food aid to Sub- Saharan Africa, also enjoy consideration. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1993 het internasional voedselhulp 'n rekord hoogtepunt bereik, maar teen 1997 het voedselhulp geval tot die laagste vlak in meer as twee dekades. Alhoewel die post- 1993 afname van voedselhulp die uitstaande tendens in voedselhulp was tydens die betrokke periode, het voedselhulp ook gegroei gedurende hierdie tydperk. Hierdie tesis beoog om die teenstrydige, maar parallelle, groei en afname van voedselhulp sedert 1993 te verstaan vanuit 'n neo-Gramsciaanse perspektief. Die neo- Gramsciaanse benadering tot internasionale betrekkinge is 'n histories sensitiewe, niedeterministiese Marxistiese perspektief, normatief verbind tot transformasie na 'n meer regverdige wêreldorde. Hierdie perspektief help ons om die hegemoon se relatiewe vryheid van die strukturele en institusionele beperkinge en struikelblokke wat deur ander state in die gesig gestaar word, te verstaan. Die neo-Gramsciaanse benadering is uniek in die klem wat dit plaas op die rol van middelslag-moondhede en internasionale organisasies in die stabilisering en legitimering van die hegemoniese orde. Die afname in voedselhulp het plaasgevind omdat die beskikbaarheid van landbousurplus nog steeds die belangrikste bepalende faktor van voedselhulpvlakke is, met 'n gevolglike afname in voedselhulp toe graanpryse gestyg het na 1993. Wat meer is, die voedselhulpregime was te swak om 'n verbreking van die verband tussen voedselhulp en landbousurplus af te dwing met betrekking tot die meeste donateurstate, maar veral ten opsigte van die hegemoon en grootste donateur van voedselhulp, die Verenigde State. Die groei van voedselhulp is te danke aan die ondersteuning van die betrokke internasionale organisasies en ooreenkomste deur middelslag-moondhede, alhoewel die hegemoniese Verenigde State middelslagmoondhede aanvanklik moes manipuleer tot deelname aan die voedselhulpregime. Die moontlike implikasies van die tendense geïdentifiseer in hierdie studie vir die toekoms van voedselhulp na Sub-Sahara Afrika, geniet ook oorweging.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20 years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet to be conclusively addressed. Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government. Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while also suggesting areas for further study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20 jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie. Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU PF‐regering. Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐ Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to provide a structural analysis of the second house of the South African Parliament - the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The study firstly focuses on the theoretical experience of second chambers in general. It then touches on a comparative study of second chambers of selected countries. The study then provides a description of the composition of the second house in South Africa, the committee system employed as well as the information flow. It also explores the concept of co-operative governance, the powers assigned to the NCOP by the Constitution and discusses the method of selecting delegates in detail. In addition the study focuses on the role that the NCOP is expected to play within the national legislative process. This analysis is descriptive in nature and aims to serve as an educational tool for the South African public as well as in the international arena. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om 'n strukturele analise te maak van die tweede kamer van die Suid-Afrikaanse Parlament, die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP). Eerstens fokus die studie op die teoretiese ervaring van tweede kamers in geheel. Dit gaan dan verder om sekere vergelykings te tref tussen die tweede kamers van verkose lande. Die studie beskryf onder andere die samestelling van die tweede kamer in Suid- Afrika, hoe die komiteestelsel gebruik word, asook die vloei van informasie binne die NRVP. Die studie gaan ook verder om die konsep van saamwerkende regering en die konstitusionele magte van die instelling te bespreek asook die metode om afgevaardiges te verkies tot die NRVP. Die studie fokus ook op die verwagte rol van die NRVP binne die nasionale wetgewende proses. Hierdie analise is beskrywend van aard en beoog om te dien as 'n opvoedkundige instrument vir die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek asook binne die internasionale arena.