Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.

169 f. / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2012-12-17T20:44:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 5757575757.pdf: 2911611 bytes, checksum: c8e2a74e66ebbe487551d547a0a46a12 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-17T20:44:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5757575757.pdf: 2911611 bytes, checksum: c8e2a74e66ebbe487551d547a0a46a12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A temática da segurança tem ganhado cada vez mais importância no cenário global diante dos crescentes desafios abarcados pelas transformações econômicas, políticas, ambientais, humanitárias e culturais contemporâneas. Estes desafios contribuíram para alimentar o debate em torno de uma concepção mais ampla de segurança internacional, tensionando perspectivas mais tradicionais das relações internacionais juntamente com novas abordagens que priorizam os indivíduos como centro da análise e ampliam os estudos de segurança para áreas até então desconsideradas pelo viés mais estrutural e geopolítico. Paralelo a essa tensão, encontram-se os Estados Unidos e seu posicionamento na ordem internacional pós-1989, que apresentou e apresenta, por meio de sua estratégia de segurança nacional, uma política externa que tem fortes impactos no cenário internacional, destacando a contínua relevância deste país para o mundo em constante transformação. De modo a colocar essas diversas questões em diálogo, tanto no que diz respeito às muitas dimensões da segurança internacional como a posição dos Estados Unidos para uma arquitetura mundial (tendo em mente que sua posição é efeito de um aparato complexo que envolve não somente os EUA, mas sua interação com os demais atores no cenário global), este trabalho resgata a concepção foucaultiana de governamentalidade, extrapolando este conceito para a esfera internacional através das análises das relações entre saber/poder e discurso. A governamentalidade é definida por Michel Foucault como o “conjunto constituído pelas instituições, procedimentos, análises e reflexões, cálculos e táticas que permitem exercer esta forma bastante específica e complexa de poder, que tem por alvo a população, por forma principal de saber a economia política e por instrumentos técnicos essenciais os dispositivos de segurança”, tendo como fundamento de sua existência um regime de verdade que consiste basicamente no livre mercado. A ideia de governamentalidade da ordem internacional consiste essencialmente na percepção de que o regime de verdade em torno dos mercados aponta para uma série de práticas organizadas, as quais podem ser provenientes da ação de um ou mais atores internacionais, individualmente ou em conjunto, tendo como objeto de atuação as populações e repercutindo internacionalmente. Os Estados Unidos se encontram no cerne da discussão uma vez que suas estratégias de segurança internacional refletem uma razão de Estado que tem no regime liberal sua premissa maior, constituindo dispositivos de segurança em defesa de uma ordem internacional liberal. Esta relação não é construída unicamente pelo governo norte-americano, mas conta com o suporte de importantes atores de política externa nos Estados Unidos, as think tanks, organizações de pesquisa e advocacy promotoras e propagadoras de ideias. Estas possuem um importante papel na governamentalidade da ordem internacional não apenas pela influência que exercem junto ao governo na formulação de estratégias políticas e à opinião pública norte-americana, mas também porque compartilham do regime de verdade defendido pelo Estado norte-americano. Este trabalho traz o exemplo de três importantes think tanks norte-americanas (The Brookings Institution, Council on Foreign Relations e American Enterprise Institute) a fim de mostrar o papel que elas desempenharam na governamentalidade da ordem internacional pós-1989, tendo como foco o próprio campo da segurança internacional. / Salvador

V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Think tanks are generally described as nonprofit institutions made up of experts who achieve change by offering policy prescriptions to lawmakers and by strategically marketing their ideas in the media. They have been part of the American political landscape since the turn of the 20th century, and there are now hundreds of such organizations across the country. This study was directed to state-based groups on the conservative side of the political spectrum that produce policy research in support of their political philosophy of a limited role for government, free enterprise in the marketplace, and greater individual liberty. The purpose was to examine the effectiveness of state-level, free-market think tanks, using some of the same criteria that have been applied to national think tanks; evaluate their use of nonprofit networks and the types of social capital they generate; and provide new insights into this relationship.

The Arctic is a region which has been historically and is contemporary important for Russia. The Arctic is a matter of concern not only for the states bordering it but has also garnered attention from China. It demonstrated its interest by releasing its policy on the region for the first time in 2018. This thesis examines Russia's perception of China in the Arctic from 2018 to 2023. To realise this goal, the thesis will analyse the official Russian government's stance and narrative with experts' opinions in Russian think tanks and compare the two. Furthermore, mapping out how the views have evolved and whether they differ between think tank experts and the official government approach. A mixed method content analysis is employed to analyse the change over time and make the comparison fruitfully. A coding scheme is formed by utilising a theoretical framework grounded in extant studies on the relations between Russia and the Arctic. The findings suggest an absence of threat in policy documents and other publications, implying that China is not perceived as a threat in the Arctic. In addition, the think tank views follow and reinforce views expressed in policy documents.

This thesis aims to investigate how the major U.S. and UK think tanks perceive and convey the military prowess of Russia and Ukraine following the Russia-Ukraine war from February 2022 to October 2023. The study uses poststructuralism and discourse analysis to examine blogs and reports from the major U.S. and U.K. think tanks to identify their perceptions and attitudes. In scrutinizing their perceptions, this paper has limited itself to examining three dimensions of military prowess those being; morale and leadership, offensive capabilities, and the logistics and equipment. The relevance of recognizing how the major U.S. and UK think tanks perceive and convey the military prowess of Russia and Ukraine from a poststructuralist lens is due to the think tanks' influence in shaping domestic and foreign policymaking, as well as public debate. Something which could impact not only the trajectory of the Russia-Ukraine war, but also have national, regional, and global repercussions. The major findings of this thesis show that although the major U.S. and U.K. think tanks, which say they are non-biased actors, still prescribe and convey negative and subjective undertones and themes. Portraying for example Russia as having “incompetent” leadership and moral stature with its material advantage being its “only” cause for “success”. Whereas, for example, Ukraine's leadership and morale are praised for being the driving force for the “success” they have “enjoyed”. Whilst simultaneously being reluctant about its future, as it is described as the “only” factor for its “success”. Based on the findings, the thesis suggests future research on the issue in other domains is needed due to its relevancy in this and other fields.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal estudar especificamente a percepção da academia chinesa em relação ao Brasil, bem como a relação entre os dois países. A análise tem por base a utilização de dez revistas acadêmicas chinesas na esfera de política/economia internacional, elaboradas por Think Tanks consagrados. O trabalho é composto por três partes. A primeira seção apresentará um quadro geral da disciplina Relações Internacionais na China e explicará também as principais funções de TTs da China. A segunda parte contém informações quantitativas obtidas pela análise dos periódicos, concentrando-se em três aspectos: a distribuição do tema, da região e do país; a quantidade de artigos que têm o Brasil como tema e, ainda, uma comparação da quantidade dos artigos de determinados países em relação ao Brasil. A título de conclusão, far-se-á uma revisão descritiva dos artigos encontrados sobre o Brasil, apresentando qual é a imagem do Brasil aos olhos da academia chinesa, e qual o seu posicionamento acerca da relação sino-brasileira. / The main objective of this work is to study specifically the Chinese academic perception in relation to Brazil, as well as the relationship between the two countries. The analysis is based on ten Chinese academic journals in the field of international politics and economy, publicated by principal Think Tanks. It consists of three parts. The first section presents a general framework of the International Relations discipline in China and also explains the main functions of chinese foreign politics think tanks. The second part contains information obtained by quantitative analysis of the journals, focusing on three aspects: the distribution of the topic, the region and the country; the quantity of items about the Brazil and also a comparison of the amount of articles about Brazil and certain countries. In conclusion, a descriptive review of articles will be given, which is presenting Brazilian image in the eyes of the Chinese academy, and also his position on the China- Brazil relationship.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:18:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Junia1.pdf: 436338 bytes, checksum: d86c170713221219857b4f67e51e4cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master's thesis is an effort to systematize knowledge about the phenomena of think tanks - relevant actors of the public policy universe - through a theoretical-descriptive study, with the use of literature search. The think tanks, research organizations and advice on public policy, are widely studied in other countries, but in Brazil the phenomenon is not relevant elucidation. It is demonstrate the growing of a worldwide interconnection network between think tanks, and the increase of international studies on these organizations, while in Brazil the phenomenon remains allusive. As a result, this study purposes are to give visibility to the phenomena, adapting the traditional foreign literature to the Brazilian reality; to provide means to identify the influence exerted by these organizations in national policy making, structuring a comprehensive theoretical basis; and to allow the understanding and recognition, on empirical reality, of think tanks in action in Brazil. Its practical relevance are supported by the explanation of the phenomena, its context in the global and national landscape, and the analysis of this interest´s groups influence on the production of public policies in Brazil ‒ which is currently restricted in the national academic scene to a few scholars with specific focus: it is expected that more people understand what a think tank is and what is its activity. The study is conducted from the perspective of policy analysis and model group, focusing on the role of think tanks in the public policy cycle. Hence, as a study´s result, it is propose an expression, in Portuguese, to replace the use of expression think tank, and a concept that is appropriate to the reality of the phenomena in Brazil. There is also presented a classification of organizations, mapped to support the study as examples. Among the findings, it is consider the significant need to encourage studies about public policy, appropriate to the country s reality, since public policy is consider a "middle range theory", in a sense of a study field still being constructed that, however, directly influences the daily life ‒ and future ‒ of people / Esta dissertação de mestrado representa um esforço de sistematização do conhecimento sobre o fenômeno dos think tanks ‒ atores relevantes do universo da política pública ‒ e sua adequação à realidade nacional, por meio de um estudo teórico-descritivo e uso de pesquisa bibliográfica. Os think tanks, organizações de pesquisa e aconselhamento em políticas públicas, são amplamente estudados em outros países, mas no Brasil o fenômeno não encontra correspondente elucidação. É demonstrada a crescente interligação mundial em rede entre think tanks e o aumento de estudos internacionais sobre essas organizações, enquanto no Brasil o fenômeno permanece alusivo. Como conseqüência, este estudo objetiva conferir visibilidade ao fenômeno, adequando a literatura estrangeira tradicional à realidade brasileira; prover meios para identificação da influência exercida por essas organizações no processo nacional de policy making; estruturar uma base teórica abrangente, que permita a compreensão e o reconhecimento, na realidade empírica, de think tanks em atuação no Brasil. Sua relevância prática reside no esclarecimento do fenômeno, sua contextualização no panorama mundial e nacional e na análise dessa forma de atuação de grupos de interesse sobre a produção de políticas públicas no Brasil ‒ que se restringe atualmente, no cenário acadêmico nacional, a poucos estudiosos com enfoques específicos: espera-se que mais pessoas entendam o que são e o que fazem os think tanks. O estudo é conduzido sobre a ótica da policy analysis e o modelo de grupo, focalizando a atuação dos think tanks no ciclo da política pública. Como resultado do estudo é feita a proposição de uma expressão em português em substituição ao uso do termo think tank e de um conceito apropriado à realidade do fenômeno no Brasil. Apresenta-se ainda uma tipologia de classificação dessas organizações, na qual são enquadradas àquelas mapeadas no estudo, a título de exemplificação. Entre as conclusões obtidas, destaca-se como significativa a necessidade de fomentar estudos sobre a política pública, adequados à realidade do país, uma vez que se trata de uma middle range theory , isto é, um campo de estudo ainda em construção que, contudo influencia diretamente o cotidiano e o futuro ‒ das pessoas em geral

Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal estudar especificamente a percepção da academia chinesa em relação ao Brasil, bem como a relação entre os dois países. A análise tem por base a utilização de dez revistas acadêmicas chinesas na esfera de política/economia internacional, elaboradas por Think Tanks consagrados. O trabalho é composto por três partes. A primeira seção apresentará um quadro geral da disciplina Relações Internacionais na China e explicará também as principais funções de TTs da China. A segunda parte contém informações quantitativas obtidas pela análise dos periódicos, concentrando-se em três aspectos: a distribuição do tema, da região e do país; a quantidade de artigos que têm o Brasil como tema e, ainda, uma comparação da quantidade dos artigos de determinados países em relação ao Brasil. A título de conclusão, far-se-á uma revisão descritiva dos artigos encontrados sobre o Brasil, apresentando qual é a imagem do Brasil aos olhos da academia chinesa, e qual o seu posicionamento acerca da relação sino-brasileira. / The main objective of this work is to study specifically the Chinese academic perception in relation to Brazil, as well as the relationship between the two countries. The analysis is based on ten Chinese academic journals in the field of international politics and economy, publicated by principal Think Tanks. It consists of three parts. The first section presents a general framework of the International Relations discipline in China and also explains the main functions of chinese foreign politics think tanks. The second part contains information obtained by quantitative analysis of the journals, focusing on three aspects: the distribution of the topic, the region and the country; the quantity of items about the Brazil and also a comparison of the amount of articles about Brazil and certain countries. In conclusion, a descriptive review of articles will be given, which is presenting Brazilian image in the eyes of the Chinese academy, and also his position on the China- Brazil relationship.