Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat public. / This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.

This study examined the metaphors used in contemporary American conservative discourse between October 2018 and March 2019, focusing on material published by conservative think tanks (CTTs) and tweets made by Republican senators in relation to climate change. For the CTTs, a domain-specific corpus (36,388 words) was compiled and a smaller corpus (3967 words) was assembled based on 135 tweets. These datasets showed that conspiracy scepticism was the most common type of scepticism used to discredit climate change data, scientists and environmental policies. In addition, the datasets indicate that conservative agents frequently used metaphors of WAR, RELIGION, HEALTH, BUILDING, JOURNEY, WATER and PRODUCT to convey negative frames. These domains linked to the conceptual key LIFE IS A STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL and were presented in a moral context. In response to these findings it is suggested that the scientific community incorporate emotional language, metaphors and moral values when communicating environmental issues.

<p>This paper aims to tell out a “what next” question of the future scenarios that the European Union (EU), as a security community, is most likely to face in its development as a world power up to the year 2020. The EU is a rapidly evolving concept consolidating with comprehensive internal and external dimension and implication. Key concepts such as power, security, global governance and international order have been used as the underlying themes that will determine the course of the future. In this context Neo-realism, Constructivism and Security Community’s model have been used as the theoretical framework to examine how EU’s role in the international system can be analyzed in the conceptual framework of security. This is followed by a discussion on the concurrent ESDP instruments initiated by the new Constitution as a key momentum of security community buildup internally. To broaden understanding and to get a variety of perspectives, research reports and policy papers of some transatlantic think tanks were analyzed. While multi- perspectives of some prominent think tanks were reviewed, analyzed and discussed, the opinions of policy makers at the United Nations Head Quarters, New York, were also explored to reflect on how EU’s role in international affairs is being perceived in the corridors of power, both concurrently and futuristically. These views were consequently augmented by attending General Assembly and Security Council sessions during September 2004 to January 2005 to observe what sorts of power and influence EU exerts in the contemporary international system and what potential it has for the future. Based on these findings, the paper identified three scenarios that EU is most likely to face in its efforts to be an international power. The paper concluded with the understanding that EU has vision and potential to be a power in the international system futuristically, which can be further enhanced if EU enhances its military capabilities and improves its power perception in the eyes of various stakeholders. However since the international system is volatile, its future role cannot be predicted with accuracy, only alternative options can be identified. EU’s roles are dependent upon the degree of success of the integration process internally and the structural interaction with other major actors in the international system. Whereas EU may enhance its role up to the year 2020, it may not enter into a power conflict with other major powers. However it will play its role comparable with the magnitude of its size, power and influence to manage the international system, futuristically in an improvised way.</p>

This paper aims to tell out a “what next” question of the future scenarios that the European Union (EU), as a security community, is most likely to face in its development as a world power up to the year 2020. The EU is a rapidly evolving concept consolidating with comprehensive internal and external dimension and implication. Key concepts such as power, security, global governance and international order have been used as the underlying themes that will determine the course of the future. In this context Neo-realism, Constructivism and Security Community’s model have been used as the theoretical framework to examine how EU’s role in the international system can be analyzed in the conceptual framework of security. This is followed by a discussion on the concurrent ESDP instruments initiated by the new Constitution as a key momentum of security community buildup internally. To broaden understanding and to get a variety of perspectives, research reports and policy papers of some transatlantic think tanks were analyzed. While multi- perspectives of some prominent think tanks were reviewed, analyzed and discussed, the opinions of policy makers at the United Nations Head Quarters, New York, were also explored to reflect on how EU’s role in international affairs is being perceived in the corridors of power, both concurrently and futuristically. These views were consequently augmented by attending General Assembly and Security Council sessions during September 2004 to January 2005 to observe what sorts of power and influence EU exerts in the contemporary international system and what potential it has for the future. Based on these findings, the paper identified three scenarios that EU is most likely to face in its efforts to be an international power. The paper concluded with the understanding that EU has vision and potential to be a power in the international system futuristically, which can be further enhanced if EU enhances its military capabilities and improves its power perception in the eyes of various stakeholders. However since the international system is volatile, its future role cannot be predicted with accuracy, only alternative options can be identified. EU’s roles are dependent upon the degree of success of the integration process internally and the structural interaction with other major actors in the international system. Whereas EU may enhance its role up to the year 2020, it may not enter into a power conflict with other major powers. However it will play its role comparable with the magnitude of its size, power and influence to manage the international system, futuristically in an improvised way.

The notion of the 'public intellectual' has been a recurring discussion topic within sociology and the humanities for decades. Yet it has been largely neglected within media and cultural studies. Accordingly, few scholars have discussed in much depth how public intellectuals operate within the media and what functions this media role may facilitate. Intellectuals in the Australian Press is an exploration into this generally overlooked area of scholarship. It aims to provide three levels of insight into the topic. Firstly, the study looks closely at the appearance and the function of public intellectuals in the Australian press. It outlines how public intellectuals contribute to the newspapers and how newspapers contribute to Australian public intellectual life. Secondly, the thesis outlines and examines in detail three types of public intellectual in Australia. Specifically, it examines the journalist, the academic and the think tank researcher as types of intellectual who write regularly for Australia's newspapers. Thirdly, Intellectuals in the Australian Press delivers detailed intellectual biographies of three of Australia's most prominent press intellectuals, each of whom exemplifies one of these three categories. These commentators are The Australian's Paul Kelly, The Age's Robert Manne, and the Sydney Morning Herald's Gerard Henderson.

Private sector knowledge producers, more commonly known as think tanks or research institutes, are used as authoritative sources in Western media either as interview guests or their research quoted by journalists.  Most studies have focused on their ability to influence government policy, but very little has focused on their role in the public sphere, particularly their visibility in media.  This study will explore how often think representatives appear as authoritative sources or experts in broadcast media during the 2015, 2017 and 2019 UK General Elections.  This will be done through a quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis investigating whether such representatives are accorded preferential access and ascribed primary authority to define narratives.  Additionally, a theoretical model has been designed to detect whether a marketplace of ideas can be detected or whether television news is a site of Habermassian rational-critical public sphere.  Inspired by the work of Anstead and Chadwick, and taking this vital work further, this study investigates whether authority signalling, and primary definition is still a relevant theory by analysing broadcast news coverage across three general elections.

<p>This dissertation is about how think tanks produce and promote policy ideas. It is informed by 53 semi-structured interviews, financial and employee data for 30 think tanks over 11 years, documentary materials (including newspaper data, annual reports, strategic plans, communication reports, and publications), office visits at think tanks, and observation at public events. In substantive chapters, I address (i.) the funding environment underpinning think tank policy research in Canada, (ii.) the epistemic cultures shaping knowledge production, and (iii.) the rhetorical strategies of intellectuals --- affiliated with or oriented to think tanks --- challenging the scientific consensus on climate change in "the space of opinion."</p> <p>In chapter two, I present a comparative analysis of think tank funding that challenges predictions derived from elite and pluralist theories, and builds on recent field theory. I find that the availability of state and private donor funding creates an environment where think tanks mostly cater to two types of sponsors with diverging preferences. The relative separation of state and donor funding is politically patterned, with conservative think tanks being funded by private donors and centrists by the state. Rather than being "independent" or members of a "corporate-policy elite,"" think tanks face extreme versions of common organizational problems, in particular resource dependencies and conflicting institutional logics.</p> <p>In the third chapter, I draw on the sociology of ideas to propose that the production and promotion of policy ideas in think tanks vary in three ways. First, there are diverging tendencies towards universalism and contextualism in a broadly utilitarian epistemic culture. Secondly, think tanks vary in the extent to which they integrate their research and communication strategies in short and long term projects. Finally, among those active in the ``space of opinion,'' some are seeking leverage for negotiations with elites, others to shape public opinion in specific ways, and others to rise to the top of an intellectual attention space as authoritative intellectuals.</p> <p>Chapter four is a case study of intellectuals --- affiliated with or oriented to think tanks --- discussing climate change and climate science in "the space of opinion."" Based on an inductive qualitative analysis of 417 systematically collected articles, I discuss two tactics writers have used in an effort to de-legitimate the scientific consensus on climate change. Without a vetted body of knowledge ready to take centre stage, and without appealing to non-scientific cultural authorities, writers (i.) re-frame consensus as a political construct, and their own skepticism as supremely scientific, and (ii.) personalize climate science by smearing high profile environmentalists and scientists, and chipping away at the character of mainstream climate scientists. Together, these tactics portray skeptics as more scientific than climate scientists.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

本論文以我國對美外交工作中的對美智庫工作為標的，以政策評估之角度，對此項工作之有效性進行評估。 針對我國對智庫工作進行政策評估，其主要核心即在於討論我國影響美國智庫的能力，及美國智庫影響美國政府之能力等兩者，以求瞭解對智庫進行工作，是否最後能產生實現特定之國家目標的結果。整個影響過程，包括了我國□美國智庫□美國政府等三個主體，其中箭頭代表「影響」，整個三主體兩階段過程能夠順利建立，則代表美國政府之友我政策產出，我國的特定國家目標得以實現。為對上述兩階段進行檢視，在研究架構上本論文採取了政策評估研究為整體研究脈絡，並以決策研究及統計研究進行各次級項目的細部討論，以逐一檢視三主體兩階段過程中，每一段是否能夠成立。 首先，本研究則針對台美關係之歷史脈絡及美國目前重要智庫分佈情形進行彙整，並針對傳統上將學者及智庫分為紅隊及藍隊之恰當性進行討論。之後，則先由各項理論及影響管道等兩方面，針對智庫影響政府政策之能力（三主體兩階段架構之後段）進行探討。在論證此階段之影響力確實存在後，緊接著則針對國家影響智庫之能力（三主體兩階段架構之前段）進行研究。透過學理及統計分析等兩方面之研究結果均顯示，我國對美國智庫之工作，確實已對該智庫之言論取向及活動內容，發揮明確之影響力。吾人可稱三主體兩階段之影響架構確實存在，我國對智庫之工作確實可達成影響美國政策之政策目的，就本研究而言，在政策有效性之評估上，應已合乎要求。 在確認三主體兩階段之影響力均存在後，本研究彙整各階段研究之結果，並據以擬定智庫工作之模式：「台灣模式（Taiwan Model）」。 / This is a policy evaluation which takes Taiwan’s U.S. policy as it is enacted through U.S. think tanks as the subject for evaluation. The purpose is to evaluate the effectiveness of this policy in practice In evaluating Taiwan’s work on American think tanks, the core aim is to evaluate Taiwan’s ability to effect U.S. think tanks and, in turn, the ability of U.S. think tanks to influence the U.S. government. Through this study observers will gain a sense of whether Taiwan’s work on U.S. think tanks is effective in terms if achieving specific national goals. For the purpose described above, this study firstly introduces the historical background to Taiwan-U.S. relations and makes a general survey in the current situation of U.S. think tanks. It also discusses the appropriateness of the classifications “red team” and “blue team”. In the following chapters, I examine the ability of U.S. think tanks to influence the U.S. government through both theoretical and channel-observing approaches. I also examine the Taiwan government’s ability to influence U.S. think tanks through both theoretical and statistical approaches. I conclude that this effectiveness exists, and that Taiwan’s work on U.S. think tanks can survive policy evaluations in terms of effectiveness. In the last chapter, I collate the results from each stage of this study, and frame a model for work on think tanks. I call this the “Taiwan Model”.

Cette thèse traite deux questions fondamentales du passé récent du Chili. La première est la profonde transformation économique et sociale vécue entre 1973 et 2003, c'est-à-dire l'époque qui inclut le régime militaire et les trois premiers gouvernements de la transition démocratique. La deuxième se réfère à l'évolution de la pensée libérale économique au Chili, et l'apparition d'une nouvelle élite patronale formée à l'image du discours des économistes néoclassiques. Pour situer la profondeur des changements vécus dans le pays depuis 1973, la recherche remonte aux débuts du XIXème siècle, quand arrivent au Chili les premières idées du libéralisme économique, passant par la décennie de 1930 lorsque se crée le modèle de l'“État de compromis”. Cependant, l'analyse est centrée sur l'origine et l'essor des “Chicago Boys” comme gestionnaires de la transformation économique du Chili – comprise comme un genre spécial de violence – et des changements importants qui se produisirent au sein de l'élite dirigeante du pays (1973-2003). Enfin, la thèse aborde l'utilisation du passé récent dans les stratégies du pouvoir et les représentations de la nouvelle élite par rapport aux imaginaires d'une société articulée autour du modèle du libre marché.

Este trabalho teve como objetivo analisar o discurso educacional dos especialistas em educação e as coesões e ramificações ocorridas no campo educacional entre os anos de 1990 e 2007, período em que se constatou novas estratégias de liderança, motivadas pela presença de agentes singulares e institucionais que atuavam ou passaram a se movimentar nos programas de pósgraduação no qual estavam vinculados, em entidades particulares que adquiriram o caráter de agências think tanks em razão de sua influência direta ou indireta nas políticas educacionais, especialmente para a educação básica, ou em e em assessorias em órgãos públicos como o INEP ou o IBGE. Ao mesmo tempo em que especialistas em educação com reconhecido prestígio na universidade procuravam exercer a censura acadêmica pautando-se pelo discurso de oposição às políticas advindas do Estado sobre educação. Foram utilizados como fontes de investigação, as revistas Educação & Sociedade e a revista Ensaio, bem como o exame dos currículos lattes dos colaboradores de ambos os períodos. O objeto em apreço foi construído mediante o esquadrinhamento das fontes citadas, depois sistematizadas em banco de dados e posterior análise por meio de tabelas e quadros, método esse que permitiu verificar as ramificações e coesões existentes. Foi constatado que o discurso sobre as políticas educacionais, sobretudo a educação básica está calcada em indicativos produzidos pelas avaliações em larga escala sob a égide do MEC/INEP, mas conta com o acréscimo de outras formas de auferição desenvolvidas por entidades como a Ação Educativa com o ENAF, projetos postos em prática de laboratórios ou grupos de pesquisas de algumas universidades que procuram produzir indicativos com medidas longitudinais dos alunos do ensino fundamental. A centralidade dos argumentos desses agentes subsidiar os sistemas de ensino na oferta de uma educação de qualidade para todos os alunos. Essas iniciativas, no entanto resultou num mercado de serviços demandado ou induzido pelo Estado, bem como as instituições think tanks que adquiriram a prerrogativa de certificar os serviços oferecidos, tais como alfabetização, EJA ou políticas afirmativas de outras entidades. / This work aims to analyze the educational discourse of the education specialists, the cohesion and the stretching that occurred in the educational field between 1990 and 2007, a period in which was perceived leadership strategies, motivated by the presence of single and institutional agents that acted in the post-graduation programmes they were linked to, in private institutions that acquired the character of think tanks agencies due to their direct or indirect influence on the educational policies, specially on basic education and in the advisory of public organs as INEP or IBGE, whereas specialists in education with recognized prestige within the university sought to exercise censorship relying on the opposition discourse the State policies on education. The magazines Education and Society and Rehearsal, as well as the exam of Curriculum Lattes of the collaborators both periodicals were used. The object of study was built through the analysis of the quoted sources, then patterned in the data bank and later analysis by means of tables and charts. Such a method has allowed to verify the existing stretching and cohesion. It has been noticed that the discourse on educational policies, specially basic education is rooted in produced indications of large scale evaluations under the shelter of MEC/INEP, but counts on the addition of other forms of checking developed by institutions as educational Action with ENAF, or projects which were put into practice in laboratories or research groups in some universities that search to produce indicatives (with longitudinal measurement) of the Fundamental School Students. The core of the arguments of these agents is to offer subsidies so that the teaching systems may offer quality education to all the students. These initiatives however resulted in services market demanded by or induced by the State, as well as the think tanks institutions acquired the prerogatives to certify the offered services like literacy courses, EJA, or affirmative policies of other institutions.