The practice of so-called diplomatic guarantees in recent international law The aim of this thesis is to analyze the practice of so-called diplomatic assurances (guarantees) in contemporary international law and its possible impact on existing obligations of States related to the protection of human rights, especially in relation to the ban on torture. Diplomatic assurances enable a transfer of an individual from one State to another. They include an undertaking of the State receiving an individual that he or she will be treated in accordance with the conditions set by the sending State, i.e. generally in accordance with the human rights obligations. However, it has recently received a great deal of public attention due to a number of suspicious returns of alleged terror suspects into the countries with poor human rights record including a record of torture. Consequently, the opinion criticizing the reliance on diplomatic assurances evolved describing diplomatic assurances as a tool how to circumvent current obligations of States under international human rights law. First part of this thesis provides a general overview of diplomatic assurances, their history, what are the advantages and disadvantages of diplomatic assurances and whether diplomatic assurances could be considered as treaties under...

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar se a legislação pós Segunda Guerra Mundial foi apta a inibir o comportamento maleficente de médicos no auxílio em especializar, dissimular e acobertar a tortura. Nesse sentido, pretende-se demonstrar o envolvimento médico com experimentos em seres humanos durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial e corroborar que a maleficência médica, todavia, ainda nos dias de hoje é empregada na sociedade contemporânea, permitindo aos profissionais de saúde, desde o período da Guerra Fria, o envolvimento com a tortura e a consequente violação dos princípios da Bioética, especialmente, na conjuntura atualíssima da guerra norte-americana contra o terrorismo. Em um segundo momento, o intuito é propor soluções, caso se verifique que a legislação e os demais esforços se demonstrem contraproducentes, tendo em vista as noções de Bioética, as normas de Direito Internacional e os Direitos Humanos. / The present research aims to verify if legislation created after World War II was able to inhibit maleficent behavior from medical doctors in the improvement and cover-up of torture. This study aims to demonstrate the medical involvement in experiments with human beings during World War II and confirm that medical maleficence was and still is part of our reality, allowing doctors to involve with torture since the Cold War until current days, especially in the United States war on terrorism, violating the basic principles of Bioethics. Secondly, if legislation and overall efforts prove to be inoperative and inefficient, the objective is to propose solutions, in light of notions of Bioethics, rules of International Law and Human Rights.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EURIPEDES CLEMENTINO RIBEIRO JUNIOR.pdf: 884181 bytes, checksum: d5c963c2c60337e76e21754fb5163871 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-03 / This work aims to highlight the human rights law, emphasizing the practice of torture in the international scope, and its impact on Brazilian law. In the first chapter is followed by the search for a foundation of human dignity, which then immediately brings up the issue of torture observing valuable lessons arising from Verri, Beccaria and Foucaut. By contextualizing the torture, there is the historical practice of torture from ancient times through the Enlightenment to get to the criminalization of torture in the Contemporary Age. The second chapter covers the internationalization of human rights and the crime of torture, during which promotes a deepening of the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment of which Brazil is a signatory, highlighting its internal divisions such as the called Committee against Torture, which was established by the Convention. Following a logical reasoning, adds Chapter 3 about torture in Brazil and the country's failure to enforce the regulation which provides domestic and international. It is a contextualization of the crime nationwide highlighting the inadequacy of the Law N. 6.683/1979 to punish the torturers of the dictatorship who once settled in the country, demonstrating the current reality of crime in Brazil today, ending with specific comments about the Law No. 9.455/1997. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo destacar o direito internacional dos direitos humanos, ressaltando a tratativa da tortura em âmbito internacional, e o seu impacto no direito brasileiro. No primeiro capítulo segue-se a busca por uma fundamentação da dignidade humana, onde logo em seguida traz-se a temática da tortura observando-se preciosos ensinamentos advindos de Verri, Beccaria e Foucaut. Ao contextualizar a tortura observa-se a histórica prática da tortura desde a antiguidade, passando pelo Iluminismo até se chegar à criminalização da tortura na Idade Contemporânea. O segundo capítulo traz a internacionalização dos direitos humanos e do crime de tortura, oportunidade em que promove-se um aprofundamento na Convenção contra a Tortura e outros Tratamentos ou Penas Cruéis, Desumanos ou Degradantes do qual o Brasil é signatário, destacando as suas divisões internas bem como o chamado Comitê contra a Tortura, que foi instituído pela Convenção. Seguindo um raciocínio lógico, aduz o capítulo 3 acerca da tortura no Brasil e a omissão do País para se fazer cumprir o que dispõe o regulamento interno e internacional. Faz-se uma contextualização do crime de tortura em âmbito nacional destacando a insuficiência da Lei N. 6.683/1979 para se punir os torturadores do regime ditatorial que outrora se instalou no país, demonstrando a realidade atual desse crime no Brasil de hoje, finalizando com comentários específicos acerca da Lei N. 9.455/1997.

Esta dissertação procurou identificar ações concretas que podem ser desenvolvidas para evitar torturas e violações de direitos humanos perpetrados por agentes da polícia no ato de investigação de crimes na província de Tete, em Moçambique. Através de entrevistas e questionários dirigidos aos agentes que compõem o sistema de administração da justiça – juízes, procuradores, membros da Liga Moçambicana dos Direitos Humanos, advogados do Instituto de Patrocínio e Assistência Jurídica e membros da Polícia de Moçambique – foi possível perceber as causas que levam os polícias a pautar pela tortura no ato da investigação criminal e identificar ações para evitá-la. A pesquisa revelou variadas causas que contribuem para que a polícia na Cidade de Tete cometa o crime de tortura durante a investigação de crimes: parte-se, pois, da má formação dos agentes policiais em matéria dos direitos humanos até a falta de uma lei própria que defina e criminalize a tortura em Moçambique, além da ausência de um advogado por parte do suspeito no momento do primeiro interrogatório policial e da fiscalização deficitária das celas da polícia e das penitenciárias por parte dos órgãos competentes (procuradores) para evitar casos de maus-tratos e/ou tratamentos desumanos nesses locais de detenção. Como recomendação, propõe-se a criação de uma lei própria e exclusiva que defina e incrimine a tortura; a presença obrigatória de um advogado durante o primeiro interrogatório policial – em caso de o indiciado não ter condições de contratar um advogado particular, que lhe seja garantido um defensor oficioso por parte do governo; a inspeção médica imediatamente após a detenção para apurar se o suspeito possui lesões corporais e, em caso afirmativo, a apuração das causas das lesões; revisões periódicas e formações sistemáticas de regras de interrogatórios, instruções, métodos e práticas aos agentes aplicadores das leis por parte do Estado; e a realização de visitas e inspeções regulares aos locais de detenção por um órgão independente que tenha poderes para ouvir queixas dos detidos de modo a obter informações sobre o tratamento policial. / This research aims to identify concrete actions that can be developed to prevent the violation of human rights and actions of torture performed by police officers on criminal investigation in the province of Tete, Mozambique. Interviews and questionnaires delivered to the agents responsible for the justice system, such as, judges, prosecutors, members of the Mozambican League of Human Rights, lawyers from the Institute for Legal Assistance and Representation, and police officers, have revealed why do police officers torture suspects under investigation, making it possible to identify actions that best prevent the violation of human rights in such cases. Among the causes that contribute for the police of the province of Tete, Mozambique, to commit the crime of torture during criminal investigation are: the poor instruction of police officers as far as Human Rights are concerned; the absence of a specific law to define and criminalize the practice of torture in the country; the absence of the attorney at the moment of the first police interrogation; and the lack of inspection in police cells and penitentiaries by relevant bodies (prosecutors) to prevent cases of abuse and ill-treatment in places of detention. As a recommendation, it is proposed: the creation of a separate and unique law to define, incriminate and apply an abstract criminal frame for the crime of torture; the mandatory presence of the attorney by the time of the first police interrogation (if the suspect is unable to get a private attorney on his own, then the government must ensure him a public defender); a physical exam right after the arrest so as to ascertain whether the suspect is injured (if so, the causes of the injury must be determined); regular systematic reviews and lectures on interrogation rules, instructions, methods and practices for laws agents; and regular visits and inspections in places of detention by an independent body that is empowered to hear complaints from prisoners in order to learn about police treatment.

O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a continuidade da tortura no atual Estado Democrático de Direito existente no Brasil, destacando a dissonância entre a criminalização da tortura no ordenamento jurídico e político e a efetividade da punição desse crime pelo sistema de justiça criminal. Destaca-se o fato de que a lei 9.455/97, que tipifica o crime de tortura no Brasil, considera que qualquer pessoa pode ser responsabilizada por crime de tortura. Ela difere da Convenção Contra a Tortura e Outros Tratamentos ou Penas Cruéis, Desumanos e Degradantes, que especifica que a tortura é todo o ato praticado por agentes do Estado, restringindo a penalidade apenas para esses agentes. Sendo assim, a lei brasileira pode servir para punir tanto os agentes do Estado como os não agentes. Este dado é importante porque existe uma distinção entre os julgamentos em que figuram como réus os agentes do Estado daqueles em que os réus são não agentes do Estado. Essas distinções revelam que os julgamentos de crimes de tortura não se dirigem somente ao ato criminoso, mas aos agressores, vítimas e testemunhas. A pesquisa sustenta que a continuidade da tortura não está baseada apenas na recorrência e dinâmica dessa prática em delegacias, presídios e unidades de internação. Ela está ligada à forma como a tortura é interpretada, não somente pela sociedade, mas pelas instituições de segurança e justiça. Essa interpretação leva em conta o perfil dos acusados e das vítimas, as condições em que esses supostos crimes de tortura ocorreram, em que circunstâncias, quem são os responsáveis pelas denúncias, quem são os acusados, quem são as vítimas, etc. Desse modo, podemos dizer que o que está em julgamento não é o ato criminoso da tortura contra um ser humano, mas se este ser humano é titular de um direito, se ele é considerado um membro da comunidade, de um mundo comum em que as pessoas são vistas como iguais e como cidadãs. / This dissertation presents a study of the continual use of torture within Brazils contemporary democratic regime, drawing attention to the discord between the criminalization of torture in political and judicial ordinances and the effectiveness of punishment for that crime under the criminal justice system. The work highlights the fact that the Law 9.455/1997 (Torture Act), which categorizes torture in Brazil, considers that any individual can be held responsible for the crime of torture. This law differs from the 1984 Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment which specifies that torture is an act that can only be committed by agents of the State, thus restricting penalty only to those agents. Therefore, Brazilian Law can serve to punish both State agents and non-State agents. This is an important fact because there is a distinction between trials where the defendants are State Law Enforcement Officials and those where the defendants are not State agents. These distinctions reveal that trials for crimes of torture do not only address the criminal action but also the perpetrators, victims and witnesses. Research shows that the persistence of torture is not only based on the recurrence and dynamic of these practices in police stations, prisons, facilities belonging to the armed forces and juvenile detention centers. It is linked to the way torture is interpreted not only by society but also by the security and justice institutions. This interpretation takes into account the profile of the accused and of the victims, the conditions in which the alleged crimes occurred, in what respective circumstances, who are responsible for the denunciations, who are the accused, who are the victims, etc. Consequently, one can say that what is on trial is not the criminal act of torturing a human being but whether this human being is entitled to have rights, whether he or she is considered a member of the community, of a common world in which all people are should be seen as equal and as citizens.

The primary objective of this work is to provide a comprehensive view of the human rights protection system concerning the prohibition of torture, focusing specifically on its European regulation. On the way to fulfill this aim, the following three hypotheses were confirmed: the prohibition of torture is currently regulated at all levels of protection of human rights, namely the universal, regional and national levels; from a comparative perspective, the highest level of protection has been achieved within the European system; and the prohibition of torture has recently acquired a social dimension. This work provides a comprehensive view, of the prohibition of torture at present time, and analyzes the instruments and mechanisms created to date. The interpretation was put into historical context, which is highly important, not only because it provides an exhaustive insight into the regulation of this issue in different sources, but also because this approach helps to understand the regulation correctly and enables the interpretation and application of respective standards in an adequate manner. It also makes it possible to better predict future developments in this area. The most interesting part of this thesis is the section that questions whether the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment are...

O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a continuidade da tortura no atual Estado Democrático de Direito existente no Brasil, destacando a dissonância entre a criminalização da tortura no ordenamento jurídico e político e a efetividade da punição desse crime pelo sistema de justiça criminal. Destaca-se o fato de que a lei 9.455/97, que tipifica o crime de tortura no Brasil, considera que qualquer pessoa pode ser responsabilizada por crime de tortura. Ela difere da Convenção Contra a Tortura e Outros Tratamentos ou Penas Cruéis, Desumanos e Degradantes, que especifica que a tortura é todo o ato praticado por agentes do Estado, restringindo a penalidade apenas para esses agentes. Sendo assim, a lei brasileira pode servir para punir tanto os agentes do Estado como os não agentes. Este dado é importante porque existe uma distinção entre os julgamentos em que figuram como réus os agentes do Estado daqueles em que os réus são não agentes do Estado. Essas distinções revelam que os julgamentos de crimes de tortura não se dirigem somente ao ato criminoso, mas aos agressores, vítimas e testemunhas. A pesquisa sustenta que a continuidade da tortura não está baseada apenas na recorrência e dinâmica dessa prática em delegacias, presídios e unidades de internação. Ela está ligada à forma como a tortura é interpretada, não somente pela sociedade, mas pelas instituições de segurança e justiça. Essa interpretação leva em conta o perfil dos acusados e das vítimas, as condições em que esses supostos crimes de tortura ocorreram, em que circunstâncias, quem são os responsáveis pelas denúncias, quem são os acusados, quem são as vítimas, etc. Desse modo, podemos dizer que o que está em julgamento não é o ato criminoso da tortura contra um ser humano, mas se este ser humano é titular de um direito, se ele é considerado um membro da comunidade, de um mundo comum em que as pessoas são vistas como iguais e como cidadãs. / This dissertation presents a study of the continual use of torture within Brazils contemporary democratic regime, drawing attention to the discord between the criminalization of torture in political and judicial ordinances and the effectiveness of punishment for that crime under the criminal justice system. The work highlights the fact that the Law 9.455/1997 (Torture Act), which categorizes torture in Brazil, considers that any individual can be held responsible for the crime of torture. This law differs from the 1984 Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment which specifies that torture is an act that can only be committed by agents of the State, thus restricting penalty only to those agents. Therefore, Brazilian Law can serve to punish both State agents and non-State agents. This is an important fact because there is a distinction between trials where the defendants are State Law Enforcement Officials and those where the defendants are not State agents. These distinctions reveal that trials for crimes of torture do not only address the criminal action but also the perpetrators, victims and witnesses. Research shows that the persistence of torture is not only based on the recurrence and dynamic of these practices in police stations, prisons, facilities belonging to the armed forces and juvenile detention centers. It is linked to the way torture is interpreted not only by society but also by the security and justice institutions. This interpretation takes into account the profile of the accused and of the victims, the conditions in which the alleged crimes occurred, in what respective circumstances, who are responsible for the denunciations, who are the accused, who are the victims, etc. Consequently, one can say that what is on trial is not the criminal act of torturing a human being but whether this human being is entitled to have rights, whether he or she is considered a member of the community, of a common world in which all people are should be seen as equal and as citizens.

Young adults in the United States are less interested in organized religion and consider the use of enhanced interrogation techniques on terrorists and captured U.S. military personnel by enemy forces as justifiable. The relationship between religion, political ideology, and enhanced interrogation support are well known, yet it is not known if young adults with current or prior military service also consider these applications justifiable. The purpose of this study was to determine if religion influenced the opinions of young adults with current or former military service on the use of enhanced interrogations. The theoretical framework for this study included Milgram's theory of obedience and Maslow's theories of motivation. Research questions focused on religion, age, gender, and support for enhanced interrogation of (a) terrorist and suspected terrorist and (b) captured U.S. Armed Forces personnel. A quantitative design was used by employing 10-item measure of religious involvement, religious commitment, and acceptability of enhanced interrogation administered electronically via internet. Data from current or former military service members (n = 105), recruited through military community newspapers and social networking websites, were collected and coded for correlational analysis. Results indicated a significant positive correlation between religion and support for enhanced interrogation of terrorists or suspected terrorist (r(95) = .366, p < 0.000). There was no correlation between religion and support for enhanced interrogation with age, gender, and use on U.S. Armed Forces personnel. Implications for positive social change include consideration of this religious influence by military chaplains when training military members on ethical obligations and military law.

In Purple Hibiscus, Adichie describes what happens in a family when one person, Papa Eugene, takes control and completely subjugates other family members to his wishes and demands. The author shows the dire consequences his actions have on his family but also how those actions ultimately lead to his own destruction. This essay links the restrictions and abuse suffered by Kambili and her family to Michel Foucault’s theories on torture and surveillance as detailed in Discipline and Punish. Foucault’s theories are linked to Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon in order to further introduce the concept of surveillance. The essay describes the physical and psychological abuse suffered by the family and also details the surveillance and torture techniques used by Papa Eugene to stay in control. Moreover, it argues that power can be lost through applying too much control and by metering out punishment that is too harsh and it shows how such actions ultimately lead to rebellion.

The purpose of this essay is to give the reader an insight in the subject of torture. This is done through both an historical perspective and by showing how torture methods are used today, even though torture is prohibited by law. Many refugees who come to Sweden today have survived torture, and the trauma can cause multiple illnesses related to the tragic memories. In addition to physical damage many also suffer from depression and post traumatic stress, due to the experiences of torture. Together with the Swedish Red Cross we designed a questionnaire which was sent to politicians and elected officials. In the questionnaire we asked questions concerning knowledge of injuries due to torture and what treatment options these people have in Sweden. Some of the questions are based in the concept of solidarity. The responses from this survey are the basis for analysis and discussion and are linked to our theories of organization and solidarity. The analysis shows that the knowledge is generally good, and the political parties in general have a collective solidarity approach to the care of people who are victims of torture.