La volonté d’inscrire l’apologie monumentale que représente le Centre civique de Bucarest dans une histoire urbaine et sociale nous a poussé à analyser les raisons qui ont guidé sa mise en œuvre et, plus largement, à reconstruire le fil narratif de l’histoire bucarestoise à travers l’héritage bâti prestigieux de la ville. C’est ainsi que nous nous sommes intéressés aux rapports entre édification des bâtiments et espaces remarquables et (re)construction d’une identité nationale roumaine, depuis de la déclaration d’indépendance jusqu’à l’intégration européenne perçue comme reconnaissance suprême de l’État roumain. Ce travail analyse donc les techniques d’instrumentalisation de la production architecturale et urbaine dans la définition et la promotion de l’identité nationale. Il complète également le peu d’études scientifiques traitant du Centre civique, à la fois emblème et stigmate en raison des efforts exceptionnels octroyés pour sa construction. Enfin, il aborde la question de la réception d’un ensemble « idéologiquement chargé » et, plus largement, les divers emplois faits des héritages urbains par les régimes politiques qui se sont succédés à la tête de la Roumanie. / This paper aims to place the monumental apology represented by the Civic Center of Bucharest in its urban and socio-political context. Therefore we have analysed the reasons and decisions that led to the way it was conceived and set up, and in addition we have tried to rebuild the narrative of the history of Bucharest through the city’s prominent built heritage. For this reason we have looked into the relations between the fact of erecting buildings and remarkable spaces and the (re)construction of a Romanian national identity, beginning with the Declaration of independence and ending with the European integration, the latter standing for the supreme legitimacy granted to the Romanian State. Therefore this research engages into the analysis of the mechanisms involved in using architectural and urban productions as instruments for defining and promoting national identity. In addition it fills a gap of almost non-existent scientific work dealing with the Civic Center, which is, due to the exceptional efforts engaged in its construction, in the same time Bucharest’s emblem and scar. Finally, it deals with the question of the reception of “ideologically charged” buildings, and more generally, with the fate of urban heritage inherited from totalitarian regimes.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of the teaching profession in the period of totalitarianism on a particular territory of the Czech Republic. It deals with the period of 1948-1989 from the point of view of teachers and the school system. The theoretical part will give insight into the school structure, legislation, management and the position of primary school teachers in the given period, in the context of Sedlčany. The research part is based on the testimonies of teachers-witnesses of the time. Data acquisition methods are based on characteristic oral history tools. KEYWORDS Teacher profession, teacher, primary Education, totalitarian regime, Education system, Sedlcany, unified Education.

Kerhartová, J.: Czech grotesque /Graduation thesis of the post-Bachelor study programe/ Prague 2012 - Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Education, department of Art, 81 pages This work is oriented as a theoretical study with research aim. It's focused on analysis of the phenomenon of Czech Grotesque and it's causality as a wide cultural - social problem. We use qualitative research methods and research design by The Grounded Theory, authors Strauss - Corbin. Main theme of this study is to investigate possibilities about didactic use of this topic in art education at grammar school. We reflect contemporary trends in art education in czech education curriculum - methods of constructivist pedagogy and discursive analysis. Important part of this work is research probe leading to find out student's pre- concepts about Czech grotesque. At the end, we construct resulting theory which is grounded on our previous research. Key words Czech grotesque, absurdity, art education, existence crisis, constructivist pedagogy, quality research methods

The theme of the thesis is the fall of the totalitarian regime and the roots of anti-communist opposition. The thesis is focused on the rise of civil resistance, which was initiated by the main protagonists of this society - wide revolutionary expansion. The courage of these three heroes of their age will be shown.

This thesis deals with the influence of the European Migration Crisis in 2015 on the number of uses of selected features of totalitarian language in the rhetoric of ANO movement chairman Andrej Babiš, SPD chairman Tomia Okamura and IvČRN initiative leader Martin Konvička. This work aims to use new quantitative methods to examine over time the frequency and structure of the characters used in totalitarian language based on the concept of politics of eternity of the American historian Timothy Snyder. The occurrence of signs of totalitarian language was monitored on the social network Facebook in the period 2013-2017. The results of the analysis show an increase in the use of features of the totalitarian language with the onset of the migration crisis. In the end, a comparison of the monitored political actors and a contextual interpretation of the findings is given.

The diploma thesis deals with pair of domestic regimes known as the second and third | Czechoslovakian republic. The choice of these periods of the national history was conditioned by a relative absence of comparative political scientific works on these periods and by timelessness and topicality of the studying of domestic regimes, that refused the idea of a liberal democracy twice in ten years. The goal of the diploma thesis is to analyze, compare and categorize the second and the third Czechoslovakian republic in the framework provided by the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes by Juan J. Linz. In the first part the thesis describes the theoretical framework of the theory of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes with stress on the theory of authoritarian regimes, as it is the assumption of the thesis, that both the second and the third republic were cases of authoritarian regimes. The other parts of theory which deal with totalitarian and sultanistic regimes are only briefly mentioned. In the second part of the thesis there is an analysis and comparison of both regimes based on three research questions. In this part the thesis deals with the relationship of both studied regimes with the first republic and their relationship with a liberal democracy, then it deals with the very analysis in...

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Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Our diploma thesis was concerned with language and propaganda in Mladý svět weekly to 1989. The objective of our work was not only a complex text analysis but also analysis of linguistic devices in terms of propaganda. The task was to analyse linguistic devices of selected text corpuses, specifically always of the introductory spread of the first issue in that particular year from 1959 to 1989. The objective was to find those linguistic devices that were being used in propaganda, sort them according to specific linguistic areas, point out myths that the propaganda created and show how propaganda used language to influence the recipient. Our work consists of a theoretical part and a practical part. The theoretical part deals with the overall historical context of censorship functioning in years 1959-1989. Later on, it gives an overview of the young and children's magazines market. In the next chapter, we give general characteristics of propaganda based on specialized publications. One chapter deals with the way the young perceived propaganda. The last chapter involves the language and propaganda, which also draws from specialized publications. We deal with the language of newspaper reporting and linguistic devices, which the propaganda may have used; methods of influencing the recipient; and using...