The thesis explores certain aspects of Zvědavá kamera, a Czechoslovak television journal that belonged among the most progressive pieces of Czechoslovak television journalism in 60-ties. The thesis is based on interviews with 3 of the still living makers of the journal: Otka Bednářová, Vladimír Branislav, and Jaromír Kincl. Based on their testimony, contemporary documents, and available television archive material the main question is being answered as to why Zvědavá kamera was allowed to exist for such a long time despite being politically controversial and why the makers did not face repression much earlier. The most substantial episodes of the journal are being explored in detail, among all Volba povolání (The Choice of Profession) by Otka Bednářová, Spor (Dispute) and Porota (Jury) by Vladimír Branislav and Jaromír Kincl. Based on the presented facts approaches are analyzed the makers took in order to make relatively free television journalism possible within the limits imposed on them by the totalitarian regime.

The topic of my thesis focuses on the phenomenon of popular music in the area of Central Europe, which in the 20th century had been characterized by the presence of the ruling Communist ideology. The work will be based primarily on popular music and its changes in the 70s and 80s of 20th century in Hungary. The issue will be approached from cultural- historical perspective and its focus will be tension between the official cultural program and the need to respond to the requirements of the recipient at the time. Basic structure consists of the situation in Hungary, which will be compared to the situation in Czechoslovakia, there will be outlined the main common points that have an impact on Central European culture and politics, as well as the specifics of the Hungarian situation. Also the relation to the export of Hungarian popular music abroad will be mentioned.

This diploma thesis deals with the decade of the Municipal theatre Most's existence in the years 1985 -1995. The first part of my thesis concentrates on the evolution of the theater making in Most region from the very beginning till the 80ties of the 20th century. The second part is dedicated to the construction and the final appearance of the theatre building by the architect Ivo Klimeš, then it describes The Workers' theatre in Most at the time of the director Zbyněk Srba's arrival accompanied by DAMU students and introduces some crucial plays on Most's stage in the years 1985-1995. Special chapter focuses on the Velvet Revolution and its influence on the Theatre Most.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

What this study proposes is, first, to state the essential questions the foundation of human rights. Secondly, we will answer to the problem of the theoretical, systematic and practical relevance of the foundation of human rights. It concludes with the idea of the need to base the rights from the ethics, philosophy of law, legal science and Sciences on the law as an instrument to consolidate the necessary link between theory and praxis and consequently as an instrument of guarantee rights. / Lo que se propone este trabajo es, en primer lugar, enunciar las preguntas esenciales que plantea la fundamentación de los derechos humanos. En segundo lugar, responderemos al problema de la legitimidad teórica, sistemática y práctica de la fundamentación de los derechos humanos. Se concluye con la idea de la necesidad de fundamentar los derechos desde la Ética, la Filosofía del Derecho, la Ciencia Jurídica y las Ciencias sobre el Derecho como instrumento de consolidar la necesaria unión entre teoría y praxis y, consiguientemente, como instrumento de garantía de los derechos.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-03-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:34:17Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 cardoso_es_me_fran.pdf: 632992 bytes, checksum: eb81b73e5b0c236f693b20eaa70e4eaa (MD5) / A Igreja Católica se posicionou contra o liberalismo desde seu surgimento no século XVIII. Ao longo do século XIX travou uma luta sem tréguas contra a ideologia liberalista. Os papas do século XIX condenaram o liberalismo de forma aberta e direta. A condenação recaiu sobre as mais diversificadas áreas de influencia liberal, com destaque para o laicismo e a democracia. Já no inicio do século XX o ocidente se encontrava na eminência de uma crise e toda a euforia anterior passou a ser superficial e ilusória. O primeiro resultado da crise foi a eclosão da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914 a 1918). Com o findar da guerra diversas nações européias estavam enfraquecidas e destruídas. Outras humilhadas, traídas, culpadas. Esse clima de instabilidade política, social e econômica possibilitou a ascensão de governos totalitários e autoritários, tanto de direita com de esquerda em alguns países europeus. Os governos totalitários de direta se mantiveram no poder até o findar da Segunda Guerra Mundial e os de esquerda até a década de noventa do século XX. Em ambos houve perseguição, de forma declarada ou não, a Igreja e ao clero. Diante desse contexto de discórdia e desentendimento, de desrespeito e injustiça, a Igreja agiu a sua maneira. A Instituição católica não deixou de lado seus valores, princípios e não abriu não de seus dogmas, no entanto foi obrigada, em decorrência das necessidades do período a reavaliar seus posicionamentos e aconselhamentos para a sociedade civil. Em conjunto com o abuso e a decorrente falência dos governos totalitários, a Igreja aceitou, por meio do papa Pio XII em 1944, a democracia como a mais justa forma de governo, mesmo sendo a democracia um regime fruto do liberalismo / The Catholic Church has spoken out against liberalism since its inception in the eighteenth century. Throughout the nineteenth century waged a relentless fight against the liberal ideology. The popes of the nineteenth century liberalism condemned in an open and direct. The condemnation fell on the most diverse areas of liberal influence, especially secularism and democracy. Since the beginning of the twentieth century the West was on the verge of a crisis and all the previous euphoria has become superficial and illusory. The first result of the crisis was the outbreak of World War (1914 to 1918). With the close of the war several European nations were weakened and destroyed. Other humiliated, betrayed, guilty. This climate of political instability, social and economic enabled the rise of authoritarian and totalitarian governments, both right to left in some European countries. The totalitarian governments of direct remained in power until the close of the Second World War and left until the nineties of the twentieth century. In both there was persecution, so declared or not, the Church and the clergy. Given this context of discord and misunderstanding, disrespect and injustice, the Church acted his way. The Catholic institution did not put aside their values, principles, and not opened not his dogmas, but was forced, due to the needs of the period to reassess their positions and advice for the society. In conjunction with the abuse and the resulting collapse of totalitarian governments, the Church accepted by Pope Pius XII in 1944, democracy as the fairest form of government, even though the fruit of democracy a system of liberalism

Diploma thesis "Radio Stalin as an example of Czech piracy radio broadcast" is aimed to complexly present radio station Radio Stalin which was broadcasting in October 1990 in Prague. Radio Stalin is presented in the context of events of that time and related changes in politics, economy, society and media and in the context of piracy radio broadcast. First of all the emphasis is put on media transformation and changes in legislative framework of radio broadcasting after 1989. Radio Stalin is described through the method of oral history when interviews were held with its several cofounders. This method was chosen because of absence or unavailability of other sources. However, press is used partly. In this thesis is created overall picture of Radio Stalin. It is possible to imagine the situation and conditions in which was this radio created, the period before the start of broadcasting, the broadcasting process, the end of its broadcasting and the continuation of it. The benefit of thesis is the reminder of this often neglected radio which has its own place in the history of Czech radio broadcasting. Radio Stalin is the first private radio station in Czechoslovakia which story is an interplay of many happy coincidences. This radio goal was to fill the missing gap and it enriched in long-term the...

Cette thèse est destinée à appréhender le phénomène Taliban d'un autre point de vue, c'est-à-dire en tantqu'État, durant la période 1996-2001. À cet égard, nous avons utilisé la théorie d'Alain Touraine relative auxmouvements sociaux, distinguant trois grands principes caractérisant un mouvement social : l'identité, l'oppositionet la totalité, ces trois éléments étant interdépendants. Le premier chapitre de cette thèse est destiné à analysercomment les Talibans, en tant que sujet historique, ont été créés dans un contexte de guerre et d'opposition. Sontainsi successivement abordés la guerre avec l'Union soviétique, les Moudjahidins, les guerres civiles, les oppositionsrégionales et le clivage essentiel entre sunnites et chiites. Ensuite, il a été tenté de clarifier la façon dont le caractèretotalitaire de l'identité de l'Etat Taliban est renforcé par ses deux dimensions organisationnelles : l'islamisme et lepachtounisme, ce qui a conduit à confronter le régime des Talibans à la définition du modèle classique de régimetotalitaire concernant les institutions et la domination. La dernière partie aborde la question de la chute de l'EtatTaliban. La contradiction entre l'universalisme idéologique et l'existence des Talibans en tant qu'Etat a conduit àl'isolement sur la scène internationale. Les Talibans échouent par ailleurs à établir une domination intégrale enAfghanistan et se trouvent confrontés à une crise de légitimité interne ouvrant la voie à leur chute. En conclusion, ilest souligné la façon dont les Talibans ont mis en place une centralisation politique, en dépit de la profondeur desclivages tribaux et idéologiques. Pour atteindre leurs buts, ils se sont concentrés principalement sur trois éléments :l'islam fondamentaliste, la conscience nationale et tribale et l'honneur du guerrier. Finalement par le moyen de lathéorie de George Bataille, l'auteur de la présente thèse tente de préciser que les Talibans ont échoué à établir leuremprise totalitaire dans le climat hétérogène de la société afghane, malgré leurs efforts pour imposer les troiséléments d'homogénéisation susmentionnés. / In the present thesis, it is intended to survey Taliban phenomenon, as a State, during 1996-2001 from another pointof view. In this regard, it is benefitted from Alain Touraine’s theory on the function of social movements. Hedescribes the function of each movement based on three major principles: Identity, Opposition and Totality, andconsiders the three of them as being interrelated. The first chapter of the present thesis is intended to indicate howTaliban, as a historical subject, is created in the context of war and opposition. For instance, the conflict between theSoviet Union and Mujahidin, civil wars, regional oppositions, as the important cleavage of Sunni-Shiite. Afterwards,it is tried to clarify how the totalitarian aspect of Taliban’s identity is reinforced by its two significant organizingdimensions: Islamism and Pashtunism. Subsequently, we proceed to Taliban’s endeavor to establish an Islamictotalitarian state and also it is tried to reveal the assimilation between the Taliban regime and a classical model oftotalitarian regime regarding institution and domination. Dealing with the fall of Taliban state is done within the lastchapter. It is analyzed how the Taliban’s ideology of universalism confronts the national interests such as any othertotalitarian Stat. The confrontation of ideological universalism and the national interests leads to isolation and fall ofTaliban, in the international stage. Taliban even fails to establish an integral domination within Afghanistan.Therefore, Taliban is dragged into the crisis of internal legitimacy which paved the way to its fall. As a conclusion,it is dealt with how Taliban tried to create political centralization, despite the existence of effective tribal andideological cleavage. To fulfill their aim, they concentrated mainly on three elements of fundamentalist Islam, thenational and tribal consciousness and the honor of the warrior. Eventually, by the means of George Bataille’s theory,the writer of the present thesis tries to clarify that Taliban failed to establish its expected totalitarism in theheterogeneous climate of Afghan society, despite its efforts in imposing the three aforementioned homogenizingelements.

The diploma thesis Czech Press for People Called up to Do Forced Labour in Nazi Germany deals with the weekly Czech Labourer which was sent to the Czech workers called up to German factories during the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia within the years 1939-1945. The thesis aims at exploring its origin, publishing and changes concerning its publishers and owners. It also analyses its distribution to Nazi Germany and its content in detail. Furthermore, by means of the quantitative analysis the thesis surveys the thematic agenda of the main articles on the front pages. It discusses the impact of the propagandistic information in media on those who were called up to do forced labour. Within the context, this paper examines the operation of media during the period of Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.