A la faveur de la réforme portuaire intervenue au Cameroun à la fin de la décennie 1990, les pouvoirs publics espéraient que les délais idéaux de passage portuaire des marchandises à l’importation devraient être de 7 et de 2 jours ouvrés à l’exportation dans le moyen terme. Pour tenir compte des difficultés liées à la phase d’expérimentation de la réforme durant la période transitoire, les délais de franchise jugés plus ou moins atteignables durant lesquels les marchandises ne devraient pas être passibles des surestaries et/ou des frais de stationnement, ont été fixés à court terme à 11 et 7 jours, respectivement à l’importation et à l’exportation. Au troisième trimestre de l’année 2017, l’analyse des chiffres présentés par le CONAFE démontre que la moyenne de ces délais oscille respectivement entre 16 et 18 jours pour l’importation des conteneurs et entre 16 et 20 jours, pour l’importation des véhicules. Plus précisément, 63, 54 et 57% de marchandises conteneurisées à l’importation, ont payé des pénalités respectives aux trois premiers trimestres de l’année 2017. Par ailleurs, d’une part, 89, 84, et 86% et d’autre part, 54, 49 et 67% des véhicules importés, ont payé les mêmes pénalités durant les mêmes intervalles respectifs pendant leur séjour aux parcs SOCOMAR et TMFD. La situation est presque la même dans les ports des autres États de la sous-région CEMAC. Les importateurs de marchandises en transit rencontrent les mêmes difficultés. Une étude comparative présente des statistiques plus ou moins laudatrices dans d’autres sous-régions du monde, notamment européennes. Dans un tel contexte qui n’est pas propre à la CEMAC, il est nécessaire de revoir les différentes procédures et mesures prescrites pour l’acheminement des marchandises. A ce défi, logistique viennent s’ajouter les problématiques liées aux instruments juridiques inapplicables, ou qui ont montré leurs limites à cause des dissensions enregistrées lors de leur mise en œuvre. Particulièrement dans la CEMAC, la reforme sur les procédures de transport et des échanges, la législation ainsi que la coordination des divers intervenants de la chaîne des transports sont une urgence. Il est clair qu’il y a aussi un manque réel d’infrastructures et des moyens tant matériels que financiers. A cela s’ajoutent des questions de gouvernance, de prévisibilité juridique, les risques liés aux transports, ainsi que la nécessité de protéger l’environnement. Au terme de l’analyse, il est ressorti que de nombreux efforts ont été fournis. Il reste que les États de la CEMAC ne peuvent véritablement faciliter leurs échanges qu’en tirant profit des instruments internationaux. En plus des textes existants, certaines dispositions novatrices des RR et de l’AFE doivent permettre de résoudre les problématiques liées aux rapports contractuels, aux délais, aux coûts de passage et à la livraison des marchandises. Sans doute, c’est ce qui a justifié l’appropriation presque servile du premier texte par le législateur communautaire et la ratification du second par certains États. Mais pour tirer le meilleur parti de ces instruments, leur adoption et leur mise en œuvre doivent tenir compte du contexte économique de la sous-région. Si la participation effective aux échanges est un signe de puissance, leur politique d’appropriation communautaire ou d’adoption devraient tenir compte du contexte économique sous-régional. / In the wake of the port reform that took place in Cameroon at the end of the 1990s, the public authorities hoped that the ideal transit times for goods to be imported should be 7 and 2 working days for export in the medium term. In order to take into account the difficulties associated with the experimental phase of the reform during the transitional period, the duty periods considered more or less attainable during which the goods should not be liable to demurrage and / or parking fees, were fixed at short term at 11 and 7 days, respectively for import and export. In the third quarter of 2017, the analysis of the figures presented by CONAFE shows that the average of these delays varies respectively between 16 and 18 days for the importation of the containers and between 16 and 20 days, for the importation of the vehicles. Specifically, 63%, 54% and 57% of containerized import goods paid penalties in the first three quarters of 2017. On one hand, 89%, 84% and 86% and on the other hand, 54, 49 and 67% of the imported vehicles paid the same penalties during the same intervals during their stay at SOCOMAR and TMFD. The situation is almost the same in the ports of the other states of the CEMAC sub-region. Importers of goods in transit face the same difficulties. A comparative study presents more or less laudatory statistics in other sub-regions of the world, notably in Europe. In such a context that is not unique to CEMAC, it is necessary to review the different procedures and measures prescribed for the movement of goods. In addition to the logistical challenge, there are also issues related to legal instruments that are inapplicable or that have shown their limits because of the dissensions recorded during their implementation. Particularly in the CEMAC, the reform of the transport and trade procedures, the legislation as well as the coordination of the various actors of the transport chain are an emergency. It is clear that there is also a real lack of infrastructure and both material and financial means. Added to this are issues of governance, legal predictability, transportation risks, and the need to protect the environment. At the end of the analysis, it emerged that many efforts have been made. The fact remains that the CEMAC States can only genuinely facilitate their trade by taking advantage of international instruments. In addition to the existing texts, certain innovative provisions of the Rotterdam Rules and the Trade Facilitation Agreement must make it possible to solve the problems related to the contractual relations, the deadlines, the costs of passage and the delivery of the goods. No doubt that is what justified the almost servile appropriation of the first text by the Community legislator and the ratification of the second by certain States. But to make the most of these instruments, their adoption and implementation must take into account the economic context of the sub-region. If effective participation in trade is a sign of power, their policy of community ownership or adoption should take into account the sub-regional economic context.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-11T11:55:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Vieira Kotzias.pdf: 3471482 bytes, checksum: 67b61f757300f836852265e45b5ff0a5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-11T11:55:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Vieira Kotzias.pdf: 3471482 bytes, checksum: 67b61f757300f836852265e45b5ff0a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-11-05 / The Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) represents an important step for Members of the World Trade Organization (WTO) towards the reduction of bureaucracy and transactional costs, as well to the increase in the transparency of foreign trade operations, in particular where Customs are concerned. The inclusion of this topic in WTO negotiations’ agenda was due to the perception that, as trade has become more liberalized, a new international regulatory architecture emerged, shifting the focus of policymakers from tariff barriers to other impediments to the cross-border movement of goods, particularly to those of an administrative and logistical nature. After almost twenty years of negotiations on its structure and content, the TFA was signed in 2013 during the Bali Conference and became effective in February 2017. Even though Brazil has only ratified the agreement in 2018 by means of Decree n. 9.326/2018, the Brazilian Government submitted its notification to WTO in 2016 designating 95.8% of the TFA commitments to be implemented immediately. The remaining 4.2% were scheduled to be implemented until December 2019. This was a bold position and has generated great expectations for operators and other interested parties in international trade. Nevertheless, Brazil remains poorly evaluated by national and international indicators that measure transaction costs, as most of the measures under the TFA continue to be totally or partially disregarded in practice, which is a major complain from the Brazilian private sector. In this context, the research problem addressed in this thesis is to identify the bottlenecks to the greater efficiency of the management of foreign trade in Brazil and evaluate the necessity of political, institutional and normative reforms and adjustments in order to foster the effective implementation of WTO trade facilitation obligations and increase Brazil’s integration into international trade. The proposed analysis is based on extensive bibliographical and documentary research, exploring doctrinal sources, national jurisprudence and WTO precedents to discuss the implications of the commitments signed within the scope of the WTO in the Brazilian legal system. From this, an attempt was made to inductively analyze the barriers to trade facilitation and legal uncertainty faced by trade operators. Finally, the research problem is addressed based on the study of foreign models and recommendations of international organizations. This thesis was structured in four chapters, in order to first present important concepts and delimitations in terms of trade facilitation and the way in which international obligations are internalized into the national legal order and discuss the Brazilian political-institutional structure regarding the regulation of foreign trade matters. Finally, based on the understandings and clarifications presented, recommendations are proposed for the implementation of trade facilitation in Brazil. Additionally, possible actions and reforms are directed to each of the main powers and articulators of Brazilian foreign trade individually, which are the Legislative Branch, the Executive Branch, the Judiciary Branch and the private sector / O Acordo sobre a Facilitação do Comércio (AFC) representa um passo importante dos Membros da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) quanto à desburocratização, redução dos custos de transação e aumento da transparência nas operações de comércio internacional, sobretudo na atuação das Aduanas. A inclusão do tema na pauta de negociações da OMC deve-se à percepção dos Estados de que, à medida que o comércio se tornou mais liberalizado, houve uma mudança na arquitetura regulatória internacional, que direcionou parte do foco de contenção e eliminação de barreiras tarifárias para outros impedimentos ao movimento transfronteiriço de mercadorias, particularmente àqueles de natureza administrativa e logística. Após quase vinte anos de negociações sobre a estrutura normativa e o conteúdo do acordo, o AFC foi assinado em 2013 durante a Conferência de Bali, entrando em vigor em fevereiro de 2017. O Brasil ratificou o AFC apenas em abril de 2018, por meio do Decreto 9.326/2018, ainda que o governo brasileiro tenha notificado formalmente a OMC em 2016 sobre o seu compromisso de implementar imediatamente 95,8% do conteúdo do acordo, deixando apenas os 4,2% das obrigações restantes para implementação posterior, marcada para ocorrer até dezembro de 2019. Trata-se de posição arrojada e que despertou grande expectativa dos operadores e demais interessados no comércio internacional. Ocorre que o Brasil continua mal avaliado pelos indicadores nacionais e internacionais que medem custos de transação e grande parte das medidas contidas no acordo seguem sendo descumpridas total ou parcialmente na prática, sendo este um grande ponto de descontentamento do setor privado brasileiro. Nesse contexto, o problema de pesquisa que se pretende endereçar na presente tese volta-se à identificação dos gargalos à maior eficiência da gestão do comércio exterior brasileiro e à avaliação de reformas e ajustes necessários, em termos políticos, institucionais e normativos, para que o Brasil efetivamente implemente suas obrigações relativas à facilitação no âmbito da OMC e aumente sua integração ao comércio internacional. A análise proposta foi realizada a partir de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, explorando fontes doutrinárias e precedentes jurisprudenciais da OMC para discussão das implicações dos compromissos firmados no âmbito da OMC no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. A partir disso, buscou-se, de modo indutivo, analisar os entraves existentes à facilitação do comércio e a insegurança jurídica causada aos operadores. Por fim, buscou-se responder o problema de pesquisa com base no estudo de modelos estrangeiros e recomendações de organismos internacionais. O trabalho foi estruturado em quatro capítulos, de forma a, primeiramente, apresentar conceitos e delimitações importantes em termos de facilitação do comércio e da forma como as obrigações internacionais são internalizadas no ordenamento jurídico nacional para, a partir disso, discutir a estrutura político-institucional e normativa do Brasil em matéria de comércio exterior. Por fim, a partir dos entendimentos e esclarecimentos apresentados, propõem-se recomendações para a efetivação da facilitação do comércio no Brasil, apresentando, de forma específica, ações e reformas direcionadas a cada um dos principais poderes e articuladores do comércio exterior brasileiro: o Poder Legislativo, o Poder Executivo, o Poder Judiciário e o setor privado

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2018-05-21T13:48:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Luiz Zanethi.pdf: 687372 bytes, checksum: bd046c2de23a1210e47af95afd71cbe1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-21T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Luiz Zanethi.pdf: 687372 bytes, checksum: bd046c2de23a1210e47af95afd71cbe1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-12 / Hoje, um dos temas mais sensíveis para a humanidade é o meio ambiente. Em um mundo globalizado, onde a preocupação com o meio ambiente deve ser repartida entre todos, não há caminho para a prática de medidas unilaterais, estanques, ante a complexidade e influência destas no mundo atual. Assim, litígios podem aparecer e alguns surgem, em razão desta dificuldade em conciliar interesses. A questão é como prevenir e resolver estes dilemas ambientais sem a necessidade da imposição da força. Daí surge a governança global como instrumento para a busca de soluções pacíficas e comuns para as mais diversas questões relativas à proteção ambiental, por meio da adoção de políticas e de instrumentos normativos. Ocorre que estas questões ambientais também atingem o comércio internacional, principalmente quando medidas ambientais aparecem como forma de barreira comercial, caracterizando-se, muitas vezes, como uma medida protecionista, prática combatida pelo comércio internacional e por seu órgão máximo de defesa e regulação, a Organização Mundial do Comércio. Mais uma vez, aparece a governança global, agora, governança global ambiental, como instrumento para a proteção ambiental, expandindo seu campo de atuação nos acordos de livre comércio mundial, sendo a sua importância destacada em dois deles, o Acordo de Facilitação do Comércio, nascido dentro da Organização Mundial do Comércio, objetivando a simplificação e desburocratização do comércio internacional e exterior, e no TransPacific Partnership, este último com grande preocupação ambiental e com mecanismos de solução de conflitos ambientais embasados nas melhores práticas de governança. Assim, em razão da complexidade das questões ambientais, principalmente nos acordos mundiais de livre comércio, o meio capaz de prevenir litígios e resolvê-los são os arranjos de governança global. / Today, one of the most sensitive issues for humanity is the environment. In a globalized world, where the concern for the environment must be shared among all, there is no way to practice unilateral, watertight measures, given the complexity and influence of these in today's world. Thus, litigation may appear and some arise, because of this difficulty in reconciling interests. The question is how to prevent and resolve these environmental dilemmas without the need for force. Hence, global governance emerges as a tool for seeking peaceful and common solutions to the most diverse issues of environmental protection through the adoption of policies and normative instruments. These environmental issues also affect international trade, especially when environmental measures appear as a form of trade barrier, often being a protectionist measure, a practice attacked by international trade and by its highest defense and regulatory body, the World Trade Organization. And, once again, global governance now appears as a global environmental governance instrument for environmental protection, expanding its field of activity in global free trade agreements, and its importance is highlighted in two of them, the Trade Facilitation Agreement , born within the World Trade Organization, aiming at simplifying and reducing bureaucracy in international and foreign trade and in the TransPacific Partnership, the latter with great environmental concern and with environmental dispute resolution mechanisms based on the best governance practices. Thus, because of the complexity of environmental issues, especially in trade-free agreements, the means of preventing and resolving disputes are the means embedded in global governance arrangements.

Submitted by EDUARDO JUNQUEIRA (el.junqueira@gmail.com) on 2017-03-16T19:43:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoEduardoJunqueira.pdf: 5067579 bytes, checksum: 2f2d79aa0d4477ddd1f2d990cee8ff01 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: Eduardo, Por gentileza, somente retirar a página em branco que consta antes da ficha catalográfica. Aguardo. on 2017-03-16T22:27:48Z (GMT) / Submitted by EDUARDO JUNQUEIRA (el.junqueira@gmail.com) on 2017-03-17T13:42:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoEduardoJunqueira.pdf: 5067030 bytes, checksum: 86cc2c5bf2a22e77b87b962f8b24b260 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br) on 2017-03-17T15:26:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoEduardoJunqueira.pdf: 5067030 bytes, checksum: 86cc2c5bf2a22e77b87b962f8b24b260 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-17T15:44:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissertacaoEduardoJunqueira.pdf: 5067030 bytes, checksum: 86cc2c5bf2a22e77b87b962f8b24b260 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-14 / This paper aims to understand the economic effect for Brazil and its ability to join Global Value Chains (GVC) when implementing the actions proposed in the Bali package, which intend to increase port efficiency (Trade Facilitations Agreement – TFA). Using a Computable General Equilibrium Model (CGE model from GTAP), it was estimated that the actions would bring economic benefits worldwide, including to Brazil. In addition, the agreement would increase the competitiveness across the globe, which in turn would result in a rise of economic integration of regions in GVC, measured by the vertical specialization metric VS and VS1. The major effects to Brazil would come from VS1 metric, mainly because of the increase of manufacturing activities which focus on primary factors such as skilled labor and capital. / Este estudo pretende entender os efeitos que a implementação das ações propostas no acordo de facilitação do comércio de Bali produziriam no desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil e na sua inserção em cadeias globais de valor. Utilizando um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável, foi simulado a implementação do acordo e conclui-se que o mesmo traria benefícios econômicos para todas as regiões estudadas, incluindo o Brasil. Ao mesmo tempo, o acordo aumentaria a competividade global entre as regiões, produzindo uma maior integração econômica mensurada por meio do aumento das métricas de especialização vertical VS e VS1. Os maiores efeitos ao Brasil ocorrem pelo aumento da métrica VS1, direcionados pelo setor de manufatura com foco em trabalho especializado e capital.

<p>This dissertation consists of three major chapters. The first chapter is dedicated to testing a novel gravity model of international trade, while the last two chapters explore cross-country commitment and implementation behavior within the World Trade Organization’s Trade Facilitation Agreement. </p> <p><strong>Chapter 1:</strong> I test a novel theoretical gravity model of international trade on firm-level export data from Colombia in 2018. The model assumes a power law relationship between trade flows and distance, with the distance elasticity resulting from two dynamic processes: firm-export growth captured in a Pareto distribution; and the growth of the distance over which those exports are sold. Although the model has been shown to work well in French data, its usefulness for interpreting data from other countries remains unexplored. I find evidence that the model fails in Colombia because some large firms contradict its assumptions by exhibiting shorter export distances compared to smaller firms in the sample. I hypothesize that these large firms are branches of foreign multinational corporations (MNCs). MNCs’ headquarters constraint the export growth of its affiliates as well as the markets they reach. While I cannot prove firms’ MNC affiliation, I use export sophistication as an imperfect metric to reflect MNC presence. When MNC affiliates are excluded from the sample, firm export distance rises faster with firm size, leading to improved predictions of the distance elasticity of trade in Colombia by the model. These findings have implications not only for the tested model but also for other theories that explain gravity in international trade through firm-level behavior.</p> <p><strong>Chapter 2:</strong> We use a new database of commitments made during the process of ratifying the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) to study variation in countries’ commitment behavior. The TFA is a novel World Trade Organization agreement because it allows developing countries to select commitments from a menu of best practices in trade facilitation, rather than to consent, or not, to a comprehensive package of negotiated commitments. The operation of this <em>à la carte</em> approach to concluding trade agreements is worthy of study in its own right, but the commitment data also offer a high-level description of progress in an international effort to improve border management procedures around the globe. Our study uses data on TFA commitments to describe progress across subcomponents of the agreement. A regression model shows that the number of Type A trade facilitation commitments that a country made in the TFA ratification process depends on its level of development, population size, ability to control corruption, and foreign aid received to support trade facilitation. We use multidimensional scaling techniques to study differences in the content of national commitment bundles. This approach demonstrates that variation in the content of countries’ commitments is closely tied to the number of commitments made.</p> <p><strong>Chapter 3:</strong> This chapter examines the implementation progress of the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) from 2019 to 2023. The TFA, which is the latest World Trade Organization agreement, came into force in 2017. In its novelty, it allows developing countries to set their own implementation schedule and adjust it if needed. This flexibility aligns implementation requirements with the capabilities of signatory countries, but introduces uncertainties in achieving complete global implementation and fully realizing the potential benefits of the agreement. Using data on the notified implementation dates for each measure of the TFA, this study describes the progress made in implementing different subcomponents of the agreement over a period of five years. A regression analysis suggests that the annual rate of progress towards achieving full TFA implementation does not vary based on country characteristics such as GDP per capita, population size, or landlocked status. Assuming that the tendency at which countries implement measures remains unchanged, I project that 95% of developing countries will achieve 95% TFA implementation between the years 2036 and 2047.</p>