Records of abundance of salmon that return to their natal spawning stream (escapements) are important indices that can assist with monitoring, conservation, and management of a salmon population over time. On their own, however these data reveal very little about the habitat, ecosystem and human communities that salmon encounter on their journey from freshwater to sea and back again. This research examines monitoring protocols for Goldstream River salmon stocks (coho, chinook and chum Pacific salmon). It includes and reaches beyond biostatistics from stream surveys to gauge First Nations’ artisanal fishing activities at Goldstream River and Saanich Inlet as well as their commercial chum fishing endeavours in Saanich Inlet on south Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Methods included summations of major themes from interviews on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) shared by local Saanich First Nation fishers whose families have lived in the communities around Goldstream River and Saanich Inlet for more than 200 years. Analyses of Goldstream salmon escapements for the period 1932 to 2004 and native harvest statistics of chum caught from Saanich Inlet between 1982 and 2004 are integrated with results from analysis of TEK research undertaken for this project. Key recommendations arising from the results of this research are: stream habitat restoration in response to loss and degradation of salmon-bearing streams; modification of stream survey procedures to measure for morphological and physiological attributes including indicators of the health of Goldstream salmon; monitoring and eliminating sources of pollution to Saanich Inlet waters; implementing precautionary measures to ensure that overfishing of Goldstream salmon and shrimp in Saanich Inlet does not recur; and safeguarding naturally abundant Goldstream chum populations at the river. Under current management of the Goldstream chum fishery, the maximum carrying capacity (K) or target escapement of chum that the Goldstream River spawning grounds sustain is 15,000. Based on population assessments as well as physiography and ecosystem dynamics, I infer that Goldstream River’s K for its natural chum population is between ~16,000 and 18,000; ~1,500 for the mixed stocks of natural and hatchery enhanced coho; and ~50 for chinook (based on the river’s naturally occurring populations between 1932 and 1973) or ~385 enhanced chinook (based on the returning population from 1975 to 2002 since hatchery enhancement took place). A co-management relationship exists between Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) resource managers and the Saanich First Nations bands (Saanich Tribal Fisheries councilors). Improvements to communication, collaboration and information sharing between DFO resource managers, Goldstream hatchery operators and Saanich First Nations with regards to decisions made about Goldstream salmon stocks are, however, necessary. In this thesis, I propose a model with recommendations for compatible fisheries management goals and techniques including adaptive management and ecosystem-based management to address this problem.

This master thesis explores the shifting paradigm in conservation, moving away from the myth behind the preservationist approach that separates humans from nature towards a more inclusive conservationist approach. The study focuses on the role of Indigenous Peoples in this evolving paradigm and examines factors that influence their ability to participate in and influence conservation debates and policies. The research draws on qualitative exploratory methods, including interviews with Indigenous Peoples and experts in the conservation field. Thirteen factors emerged from the thematic analysis, namely: legal recognition, law enforcement, political representation, awareness, external support, community building, capacity-building, connection across Indigenous communities, economic inclusion, public attention, protests, advocacy, and intimidation. The findings emphasize the need for a systemic and inclusive approach to conservation policymaking that incorporates cultural diversity and respects the rights, perspectives and agency of Indigenous Peoples. Ultimately, the conservationist approach, and particularly the effective inclusion of cultural diversity in conservation debates and policies, can enhance society's capacity to protect and sustain natural resources and biodiversity for current and future generations, aiding our sustainability journey in its ecological and social sides.

Recent calls from progressive, subaltern and postcolonial geopoliticians to move geopolitical scholarship away from its Western ontological bases have argued that more ethnographic studies centred on peripheral and dispossessed geographies need to be undertaken in order to integrate peripheralised agents and agencies in dominant ontologies of geopolitics. This thesis follows these calls. Through empirical data collected during a period of five months of fieldwork undertaken between October 2014 and March 2015, it investigates the ways through which an Indigenous community of the Canadian Arctic, Tulita (located in the Northwest Territories' Sahtu region) represents geopower. It suggests a semiotic reading of these representations in order to take the agency of other-than/more-than-human beings into account. In doing so, it identifies the ontological bases through which geopolitics can be indigenised. Drawing from Dene animist ontologies, it indeed introduces the notion of a place-contingent speculative geopolitics. Two overarching argumentative lines are pursued. First, this thesis contends that geopower operates through metamorphic refashionings of the material forms of, and signs associated with, space and place. Second, it infers from this that through this transformational process, geopower is able to create the conditions for alienating but also transcending experiences and meanings of place to emerge. It argues that this movement between conflictual and progressive understandings is dialectical in nature. In addition to its conceptual suggestions, this thesis makes three empirical contributions. First, it confirms that settler geopolitical narratives of sovereignty assertion in the North cannot be disentangled from capitalist and industrial political-economic processes. Second, it shows that these processes, and the geopolitical visions that subtend them, are materialised in space via the extension of the urban fabric into Indigenous lands. Third, it demonstrates that by assembling space ontologically in particular ways, geopower establishes (and entrenches) a geopolitical distinction between living/sovereign (or governmentalised) spaces and nonliving/bare spaces (or spaces of nothingness).