This study offers a glimpse into how the transatlantic relationship between the European Union (the EU) and the United States of America (the U.S.) has developed during the last three presidential administrations, including the Trump administration. To do this, the study has developed a frame- work on transatlantic convergence, divergence, and drift, which it uses to analyses similarities and differences within the different parties’ discourses on the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The study concludes that while there has been some divergence with all three U.S administrations, how- ever there has been far more convergence with the Bush and Obama administration than with the Trump administration. Moreover, this study argues that Trump administration represents in some ways a ’transatlantic drift’, since the parties have opposing views on the Iran deal (JCPOA) and cherish widely different fundamental security values.

The aim of this thesis it to offer a complex overview of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). This international agreement is being negotiated between the United States and the European Union. The main goal of this agreement is to create the largest free trade area to date. I wish to claim that the TTIP does not merely concern trade, but there is a clear geopolitical underlining for it too. When the communist world collapsed, the United States became the sole remaining superpower. Nowadays, the West is facing a different world that fosters new challenges as well as opportunities. The rise of China and Russia puts pressure on the West again. The TTIP seeks to reflect new challenges in world politics. A successful agreement would clearly demonstrate that countries across the Atlantic are still the closest partners. In this thesis I aim to find a causal link between this agreement and the current situation ushering in a shifting balance of power in world politics. I intend to employ two main branches of theories of international relations to verify my hypotheses. The first theory, realism, is equipped to answer questions about power and national interests. The second branch of theories, liberalism, is well applicable so as to indicate different actors and their participation in...

The EDC was a failed attempt at European integration in military and defense. This thesis intends to examine how and why the EDC failed and what it means for today. This thesis aims to understand what are the implications for the EDC's failure in the EU's efforts to gain strategic autonomy. This issue is important to many with interests in the European region. The failure of the EDC will be analyzed as a case study utilizing the theoretical framework of Neoclassical Realism. Constraints include language, lack of government transparency, and inherent limitations of case study research. This thesis will outline different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is chosen to evaluate the EDC; then it will examine the EDC during its negotiation and writing; then it will analyze the case from the perspective of each of the EDC participants, and then it will describe the implications of the EDC for the present situation. This thesis will examine the EDC from a theoretical standpoint. Because the EDC is a unique case of failed European integration, a broader International Relations theory will be used in this thesis. There are a number of theories regarding European integration and broader theories on International Relations. This thesis will examine the EDC from the Neoclassical Realist perspective. The Pleven Plan was to allow for the rearmament of Germany under conditions acceptable to France. The Plan was to solve the German rearmament dilemma. Proponents had to deal with nationalists who resisted relinquishing control of armed forces while also nurturing the European idea that called for more integration. The Treaty of Paris was signed in 1952; the US and UK both called for its quick ratification. There were concerns among the treaty's signatories. Germany worried about a return of its army, its defense, and its acceptance in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, maintaining internal stability, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of the Benelux were in favor of the EDC to maximize their influence. France would struggle over ratification. Pierre Mendès-France had to deal with external pressure to get the EDC Treaty passed, and internal pressure to push for better terms. Gaullists were adamantly against the EDC. The French attempted to renegotiate the treaty to no avail. The National Assembly eventually voted against the EDC and the treaty failed ratification. The case of the EDC has implications for EU strategic autonomy. Russia presents a legitimate threat to the West. Globalization, technology, and non-traditional threats affect the security environment. The US is realigning its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit removes the UK military assets from the EU. Finally, France has been driven to more seriously consider European strategic autonomy and a European Army after the AUKUS controversy. There are still obstacles to European defense. Strategic culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. Nationalism and Euroscepticism continue to hinder further integration. The Europeans still rely heavily on US military might. EU efforts at strategic autonomy also cause consternation in NATO over redundancy. Finally, the EDC is an example of European integration taken too far, and a warning as to how difficult the EDU will be to achieve. The theoretical evaluation of the EDC reveals outcomes as expected in the theory. Each country calculated relative material power gain from the EDC, except France, which changed its calculation based on changes to the original Pleven Plan and popular pressure shaping leaders' perceptions. If there is going to be military integration and strategic autonomy in the EU, it will require a change in the strategic culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to ease the doubts of Eastern European EU members over the capability of such a European Army to supplant the US military in defense of the continent. / Master of Arts / The EDC was a failed attempt at unifying all European military forces into one. This paper wants to know the meaning of the EDC's failure for the EU's efforts to become an independent strategic actor; meaning, able to determine its own strategy. The thesis will look at the EDC's failure as a case study, using the theory of Neoclassical Realism. Neoclassical Realism is a theory in international relations that examines factors both inside and outside each nation that determine the outcomes of the interactions between those nations. The difficulties in doing this study include language barriers, government secrecy, and the fact that case studies are not perfect examples to stand in for other situations. This thesis will look at different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is best; then it will look at the EDC's history, and then it will talk about the impact of the EDC's failure for today. The Pleven Plan was a French proposal for the rearmament of Germany, with many limitations. The Plan tried to solve the problem of German rearmament: they wanted to re-arm Germany to defend against the Soviet Union, but they did not want Germany to turn around and threaten them. The Treaty of the EDC was signed in 1952; the US and UK both wanted quick approval. There were concerns among the nations that signed the treaty. Germany worried about a return of its military and being accepted in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, the stability of its country, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg wanted the EDC to grow their influence. France would struggle over ratification; they tried to change the treaty, but it did not work. The National Assembly, the chief French law-making body, voted against the EDC and the treaty was canceled. The case of the EDC says a lot about the EU's attempt to gain the freedom to come up with its own strategy. Russia is a threat to the West. The modern-day environment makes international threats unique. The US is changing its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit—the United Kingdom's decision to leave the EU—removes the UK military from the EU. Finally, France was offended from the AUKUS controversy, which involved a canceled submarine contract with Australia. They are seriously thinking about unifying the EU military and making it more independent on strategy. There are still challenges to European defense. A pacifist culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. A basic opposition to the EU continues to slow down integration. Europeans still rely a lot on the US military. EU efforts to gain independence in strategy also worries NATO, as it is seen as doing the job that NATO should be doing. Finally, the EDC is a sign of how hard it will be to start the EDU. This look at the EDC shows results that are expected according to the theory. Each country figured out the level of power, compared to other countries, that each got from the EDC. France changed its mind because the original Pleven Plan was changed. If there is going to be a unification of European militaries and independence for strategy in the EU, it needs to change the peace-centered culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to convince Eastern European nations on the seriousness of a European Army to replace the US military in defending the continent.

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Entre 1763 et 2013, le Québec est armes car il se retrouve entraîné au coeur des questions de sécurité et de défense qui agitent l’espace nord-américain. L’histoire de la Belle province est marquée par une série d’alliances militaires, de luttes violentes, de rébellions, de résistances et de transgressions. La guerre de Sept ans, la révolution américaine, la guerrefranco-britannique en 1793, la révolte des Patriotes en 1837-1838, la participation des Canadiens francophones à la guerre de Sécession, les crises de la conscription en 1918 et en 1942, l’action du FLQ, les référendums sur l’indépendance du Québec en 1980 et 1995 ou encore la participation active du Québec à la guerre contre le terrorisme à partir de 2001constituent quelques exemples de ces rapports de force au cours de la période étudiée.L’histoire du Québec en tant qu’entité spécifique démarre avec la cession par le roi de France de la partie canadienne de l’empire français au roi d’Angleterre avec le traité de Paris du 10 février 1763. Sous la houlette de l’Église catholique, les Canadiens francophones, qui vivent dans les basses terres du Saint-Laurent, organisent leur résistance face au colonialisme britannique. Ils développent au fil du temps leur propre culture stratégique fondée sur l’idée d’une nécessité de la survivance du fait francophone en Amérique du Nord. Malgré les tentatives de l’Angleterre d’assimiler la population de la colonie à la culture anglophone afin de mieux faire accepter son autorité, les francophones résistent et organisent leur défense territoriale dans les basses terres du Saint-Laurent. Cette résistance accélère l’émergence d’une relation spéciale entre le Québec et la France qui constitue son ancienne métropole coloniale. Les relations de la Belle Province avec les États d’Amérique du Nord sont conditionnées par cette culture stratégique spécifique des francophones.Au moment du 250e anniversaire du traité de Paris, en 2013, le Québec forme un complexe de sécurité et de défense ayant atteint un statut de quasi-État souverain. Il a une population homogène, un territoire et un gouvernement propre. Il possède le plus important réseau de représentations diplomatiques à l’étranger de tous les États fédérés dans le monde. Il dispose également d’une force de police, d’un service de renseignement ou encore d’une industrie de guerre. Le Québec exerce une influence internationale hors de proportion avec son poids démographique. / Between 1763 and 2013, Quebec is armed because the province is concerned by the security and defense issues in the North American area. The Quebec history is characterised by a series of military alliances, violent struggles, rebellion, resistance and transgressions. The Seven Years War, the American Revolution, the Franco-British war in 1793, the Patriotsrevolt in 1837-1838, the participation of French Canadians in the American Civil War, conscription crises in 1918 and 1942, the FLQ action, referendums on Quebec independence in 1980 and 1995 or the Quebec active participation in the war against terrorism from 2001 are some examples of these power relations for the studied period.The history of Quebec as a specific entity starts with the assignment by the King of France of the Canadian portion of the French Empire to the King of England with the Treaty of Paris of February 10th, 1763. Under the leadership of the Church Catholic, French-speaking canadians who live in the lowlands of the St. Lawrence, are organizing their resistance toBritish colonialism. Over the time, they develop their own strategic culture based on the idea of a need for the survival of the French fact in North America. Despite the attempts of England to assimilate the population of the colony to the English culture to better accept his authority, french canadians resist and organize their territorial defense in the lowlands of theSt. Lawrence. This resistance accelerates the emergence of a special relationship between Quebec and France wich is its former colonial power. The relations of the Belle Province with the North American States are structured by the specific strategic culture of french canadians.At the time of the 250th Treaty of Paris anniversary, in 2013, Quebec is a security and defense complex having reached a status of almost sovereign State. The province has a homogeneous population, a territory and a lawfull government. Quebec has the largest diplomatic representations network abroad all federal states in the world. The province alsohas its own police force, an intelligence service or a war industry. Quebec has international influence out of proportion to its demographic weight.

Drawing on methodologies from Performance Studies and Transnational American Studies, this dissertation is an historical analysis of the transatlantic relations of the American Indian radical sovereignty movement of the late Cold War. First the study recovers the transnational dimension of Native Americans as historical actors, and demonstrates that the American Indian radical sovereignty movement of the early 1970s posed a transnational challenge to the U.S. nation state. Next, arguing against the scholarly consensus, it shows that by the mid-1970s the American Indian radical sovereignty movement transformed itself into a transnational struggle with a transatlantic wing. Surveying the older transatlantic cultural representations of American Indians, this study finds that they both enabled and constrained an alliance between Native radical sovereignty activists and European solidarity groups in the 1970s and 1980s. This dissertation traces the history of American Indian access and participation in the United Nations, documents the transformation of Native concepts of Indian sovereignty, and analyzes the resulting alliances in the UN between American Indian organizations, Third World countries, national liberation movements, and Marxist régimes. Finally, this study documents how national governments such as the United States and the German Democratic Republic responded to the transatlantic sovereignty alliance from the middle of the 1970s through the end of the Cold War.

The recent global security challenges such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction etc. have altered the security perceptions of the countries. For opposing those new security threats the U.S. and the EU generated their own security discourses. Accordingly, they tackle the issues with diverging perceptions. This diversion paves the way for a debate between two sides. In the mean time, Turkey has established her security architecture in accordance with the Western international community. Nevertheless, the ongoing debate between the EU and the U.S. leaves Turkey in an uncomfortable situation. On the grounds that, the future tendency of Turkey will be dependent on the policies of the U.S. and the EU as well as Turkey&#039 / s own progress. On the one hand the U.S. can present multilateral or unilateral solutions to the problems. On the other hand the EU can show an inward-looking or an outward-looking policy in international relations. The results of those policy options will be the answer of Turkey&#039 / s probable security preference between the U.S. and the EU.

Topics associated with the United States' foreign policy towards the European Union have become increasingly intense in expert discussions since the turn of the millennium. This is due to several factors, primarily including the strength of the two clusters, on two shores of the Atlantic ocean. The work on the topic of transatlantic relations is divided into four chapters, where the first chapter deals with the theory of regionalism, the historical development of relations between the United States and the European Union, and the European Community. The conclusion of the chapter then anchors foreign policy actors from the US perspective. However, the thesis aim is to compare two US presidents and their relations with the EU. The selected presidents are Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when the 2012-2018 period is a crucial time for work. The aim of the thesis is to find answers to several questions, when the main one is whether and what difference is in the approach of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards the EU. The paper sets out several criteria by its research, which will then be compared from the perspective of two presidents in order to show whether and how the policies of two consecutive presidents differ in EU relations.