本博士論文では、戦間期から戦後にかけての宝塚歌劇団と、アメリカのトランスナショナルな関係性について焦点をあて、アメリカと継続的な接点があった宝塚女性演者に着目をする。宝塚演者のような特殊性を持つ女性たちに焦点を当てることは、当時の新たな日本人女性像を見出すことを可能にする。同時に、トランスナショナルな視点を用いた結果、彼女たちが日本人女性としてのアイデンティを国内だけではなく、国外とのやり取りを通じて構築していたという事実を明らかにする。 / This project is one of the first attempts to explore the transnational history of Takarazuka by following the complex processes by which Americans and Japanese used Takarazuka to explore the contours of Japanese identity and femininity in the period from the late 1930s to the 1950s. Especially, through this dissertation, I will focus on the voices of Takarazuke females whose historical voices have barely been featured in the previous research. By using transnationalism as a main analytical theme, I argue that these females used the given opportunities to recreate their own identities, especially through the difficulties of negotiating the boundaries during the time when the role of Japanese women was continuously transforming. / 博士(アメリカ研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Der Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind die physischen, bibliographischen und infrastrukturellen Dimensionen skandinavischer Buchdruckkultur im Spannungsfeld zwischen Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit, Scholastik und Humanismus, spätem Katholizismus und früher Reformation. Ihr theoretischer Ausgangspunkt ist die Erkenntnis, dass die vorreformatorische skandinavische Buchkultur nur im Zusammenhang und Wechselspiel mit der gleichzeitigen kontinentaleuropäischen Buchkultur verstanden werden kann. Der von Deutschland ausstrahlende Vertrieb von gedruckten Büchern erweiterte sich im Gefolge der Preiskrise der 1480er und dem Ausbau Export-orientierter kontinentaler Buchdruckzentren zu einem fest etablierten, zuverlässigen Buchhandel europäischen Ausmasses. Er stellte für skandinavische Drucker eine grosse Herausforderung dar, der sie erst nach 1525 mehr und mehr gewachsen zeigten. Auch wenn die (selbstverständlich nur ungenau zu schätzende) Zahl der gedruckten Bücher, die vor der Reformation in Skandinavien vorhanden waren, an sich klein war, stützt die weit höhere Zahl der Provenienzen eindeutig die Erkenntnis, dass wir es mit einer wesentlich grösseren Buchkultur zu tun haben als bislang angenommen. Die skandinavische vorreformatorische Buchkultur unterschied sich dabei grundsätzlich nicht von der zeitgenössischen kontinentalen oder westeuropäischen Buchkultur. Gegenüber der dynamischen zeitgenössischen kontinentalen Buchzentren entwickelte sich Skandinavien zwar langsamer, ebenso wie Auswirkungen der geographisch periphen Lage nicht ausser Acht gelassen werden dürfen. Gleichzeitig aber war es in vielerlei Hinsicht fest im Gefüge der Netzwerke des kirchlichen, akademischen, intellektuellen und buchhändlerischen Europas verankert. / The subject of this thesis are the infrastructural, bibliographical and physical dimensions of Scandinavian print culture between the contradictory contexts of the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period, scholasticism and humanism, late Catholicism and the dawn of the Reformation. Its theoretical point of point of origin is the awareness of the importance of the connection and interplay of Scandinavian pre-Reformation book culture with its contemporary continental counterpart for a deeper understanding of its characteristics and development. The trade with printed books emanating from Germany expanded to a reliable, well-established trade of European dimensions. While being a challenge for Scandinavian printing, which they met successfully not before after 1525, for readers it meant an opportunity. Although the number of printed books available in Scandinavia before the Reformation was not large, the large number of provenances identified and presented in this thesis supports the assumption that this print culture was much larger than assumed up to now. The nature of the Scandinavian pre-Reformation print culture didn’t essentially differ from its continental or Western European siblings. In comparison, Scandinavia did evolve slower and we mustn’t disregard the effects of a position in the geographical periphery. But, at the same time, was Scandinavia firmly positioned in European ecclesiastical, academical, intellectual and book trade networks.

Between 1648 CE and 1666 CE, news, rumours, and theories about the messiah and the Lost Tribes of Israel were disseminated amongst diverse populations of Jews, Christians, and Muslims. Employing a world history methodology, this thesis follows three sets of such narratives that were spread through the American colonies, England, the Dutch Republic, the Italian peninsula and the Ottoman Empire, connecting people separated by linguistic, religious, national, and continental divides. This dissertation starts by situating this transmission within a broader context that dates back to 1492 CE and then traces the three-stage process in which eschatological constructs originating in the Americas in the 1640s were transmitted across Europe to the Levant in the 1650s, preparing the minds of Jews and Christians for the return of these ideas from the Ottoman Empire in the 1660s. In this manner, this study seeks to make three contributions to the existing literature. It brings together often isolated historiographies, it unearths fresh archival sources, and it provides a new conceptual framework. Overall, it argues that one cannot understand the growth of apocalyptic tension that reached its peak in 1666 without examining the major historical events and processes that began in 1492 and affected Jews, Christians, and Muslims across the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order. This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.

This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order. This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.

La thèse représente une première tentative de construire un narratif sur la Ligue de la jeunesse communiste du Canada (fondée en 1923) pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres, jusqu'ici absente des recherches existantes sur le communisme ou le socialisme canadiens. La thèse porte sur l'évolution des relations entre la Ligue de la jeunesse communiste (LJC), l'Internationale communiste (ou Komintern) et l'Internationale des jeunes communistes, où les communistes soviétiques ont joué un rôle prédominant. Cette recherche met en lumière de nombreux changements mineurs et majeurs dans la politique de la LJC, façonnés par les contextes nationaux et internationaux dans lesquels l’organisation a dû agir. La thèse soutient que malgré un enthousiasme sincère pour la ligne de l'Internationale et l'expérience soviétique, les jeunes communistes canadiens souvent avait de la difficulté d’appliquer les directives de l'Internationale au Canada. Ni le Komintern, ni le mouvement communiste au Canada n'étaient monolithiques. Au contraire, il y a eu de nombreux conflits à trois niveaux: entre le mouvement communiste international et la Ligue; entre la Ligue et le Parti communiste du Canada (PCC); et entre les groupes locaux ou linguistiques de la Ligue et son leadeurship national. La répression de la gauche par l’État dans les années 1920s et 1930s, les problèmes de financement et le nombre de membres dérisoire ont également entravé la mise en œuvre des politiques de l’Internationale. En même temps, le faible niveau de contrôle permettait un certain degré de flexibilité et d’autonomie dans les politiques de la Ligue canadienne. Suivant la position de l’International des jeunes communistes, la jeunesse communiste canadienne a mis un accent particulier sur le militantisme anti-capitaliste et anti-impérialiste, puis anti-fasciste et anti-nazi. Cependant, la Ligue semblait avoir agi de manière indépendante en ce qui concerne les revendications immédiates de la jeunesse canadienne et les politiques culturelles, en particulier pendant la Grande Dépression. La Ligue s'est engagée conjointement avec d'autres organisations de jeunesse pour promouvoir les demandes immédiates des jeunes, même lorsque Moscou n’encourageait pas une telle stratégie. Les initiatives venaient souvent des organisateurs locaux, même si les autorités canadiennes étaient convaincues que Moscou était à l'origine de chaque action de la Ligue. Dans les années 1930 en particulier, la LJC, à travers un réseau d’organisations sociales et culturelles, a eu accès à des jeunes de différentes orientations politiques - la gauche socialiste, le centre-gauche et même les «forces bourgeoises». L’impact et la portée de la LJC ont encore été renforcés par la fait que les sympathisants de l'organisation appartenaient à des milieux sociaux divers et incluaient non seulement des jeunes travailleurs et fermiers, mais aussi les étudiants du secondaire et de l'université, les artistes, les sportifs et les jeunes cols blancs, dont beaucoup appartenaient à des organisations religieuses de jeunesse. Pour ces jeunes, la LJC était le lieu qui fournissait les solutions marxistes à des questions brulantes de l’époque, telles que le chômage des jeunes et l’absence de sécurité sociale, l’injustice sociale ou encore la montée du fascisme et de l’impérialisme au Canada et à l’étranger. / The dissertation represents the first attempt to construct a narrative about the Young Communist League of Canada (founded in 1923) during the inter-war period, so far absent in existing research on Canadian communism or socialism. The thesis focuses on the evolution of the relationship between the Young Communist League (YCL) and the Communist International and Young Communist International where Soviet Communists played a predominant role. It sheds light on numerous minor and major changes of policy shaped by the national and international contexts in which these organisations had to act. The dissertation argues that despite genuine enthusiasm toward the International’s line and the Soviet experience, Young Canadian Communists often found it difficult to implement the International’s directives in Canada. Neither the International nor the communist movement in Canada was monolithic. On the contrary, there appear to have been numerous conflicts on three levels: between the International and the League; between the League and the Communist Party of Canada; and between local or linguistic groups in the League and its national leadership. The state repression of the left during the whole inter-war period, derisory level of funding and membership numbers also impeded the implementation of the International’s policies. At the same time, the International’s weaker levels of control allowed for a certain degree of flexibility and autonomy in the Canadian League’s policies. Following the position of the Young Communist International, the Canadian communist youth placed special emphasis on anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist, and later anti-fascist and anti-Nazi, militancy. However, the League appeared to have acted independently as far as immediate demands of the youth and cultural policies were concerned, especially during the Great Depression era. The League engaged in joint activism with other youth organisations, even when Moscow did not encourage such strategy. The initiatives often came from local grassroots organizers, although Canadian authorities were convinced that Moscow was behind each and every action of the League. In the 1930s in particular the YCL, through a network of social and cultural organisations, gained access to youth of different political orientations – the socialist left, centre-left and even “bourgeois forces.” The YCL’s impact and outreach were further increased by the fact that the organisation’s sympathizers, if not members, belonged to diverse social backgrounds and included not only young workers and farmers but also High School and University students, artists, sportsmen, young white collars, many of them belonging to religious youth groups. For these young people, the YCL was the place that provided Marxist solutions to burning questions of the time such as youth unemployment and absence of welfare, social injustice, growth of fascism and imperialism in Canada and abroad.

<p>This project examines the events from 1866 to 1871 in Korea between the United States and Joseon, with a specific focus on the 1866 <i>General Sherman</i> Incident and the United States Expedition to Korea in 1871. The project also examines the present memory of those events in the United States and North and South Korea. This project shows that contemporary American reactions to the events in Korea from 1866 to 1871 were numerous and ambivalent in what the American role should be in Korea. In the present, American memory of 1866 to 1871 has largely been monopolized by the American military, with the greater American collective memory largely forgetting this period. </p> <p>In the Koreas, collective memory of the five-year crisis (1866 to 1871) is divided along ideological lines. In North Korea, the victories that Korea achieved against the United States are used as stories to reinforce the North Korean line on the United States, as well as reinforcing the legitimacy of the Kim family. In South Korea, the narrative focuses on the corruption of Joseon and the Daewongun and the triumph of a “modernizing” Korean state against anti-western hardliners, and is more diverse in how the narrative is told, ranging from newspapers to K-Dramas, leading to a more complicated collective memory in the South. </p> <p>This Thesis shows that understanding the impact that the first state-to-state encounters had on the American-Korean relationship not only at the time but also in the present, is key to analyzing the complicated history of the Korean-American relationship writ large.</p>

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