Malgré toutes ses performances et sa percé dans des conditions plutôt critique, le théâtre tunisien reste à la merci du pouvoir. Les rapports entre l‟État et la culture ont toujours été difficiles. Dans un climat de suspicion mutuelle, chacune des deux parties cherche à avoir la confiance de l‟autre pour mieux l‟utiliser dans son propre projet. Le théâtre tunisien vit au sein d‟une société influencée quotidiennement par la modernité, et se voit contrainte de modifier ses références culturelles. Ces phénomènes bouleversent son mode de fonctionnement. Néanmoins, le théâtre reste un moyen d‟expression efficace, capable non seulement de toucher et de sensibiliser les masses aux problèmes réels de la société, mais aussi de réfléchir la situation des Tunisiens et à leur devenir. La question est de savoir si la Tunisie a su rassembler, en termes de réglementation, de formation et de moyens financiers, les conditions susceptibles de permettre la réalisation de ce programme et de donner aux hommes de théâtre une plate-forme solide à partir de laquelle ils pourraient développer une expression profonde et originale. / Despite of all his performances and his breakthrough under rather critical conditions, the Tunisian theatre remains in the hand of the government. The relationship between the State and the culture was always difficult. In a climate of mutual suspicion, each of the two parts try to have the confidence of the other for better using it in his own projects. The Tunisian theatre lives in a society which ist daily influenced by the modernity and must modify his cultural references. These phenomena disturb his way of working. Netherless, the theatre remains an effective means of expression, not only to affect the masses and to heighten public awareness of the problems of the society, but also to refflect the situation and the evolution of tunisian people. The question ist wether Tunisia could offer the conditions in terms of regulations, éducation, means and subsidies to make possible the realization of this programm and give to the men of theatre a solid platforme for a profound and original expression.

Diss.--Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft--Trier--Universität, 1987.

This essay have examined why Tunisia succeeded in democratizing when Libya did not. The two questions that this paper has set itself are the following: How can Tunisia's evolution from dictatorship to democracy after the Arab Spring be explained? How can the Libyan failure of democratization after the Arab Spring be explained? Based on four of Larry Diamonds nine factors in the book "The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World", these two questions are answered. When answering these two questions, this paper applied a research design that is a comparative “Few Case Study”, more correct, a reversed "Most Similar Research Design" (MSRD). The analysis of the four factors showed that Libya is not democratized because the country did not receive any support after the international military intervention took place. It is known that “democracy by force” does not bring democracy overnight and the country would have needed help with evolving democracy. In Tunisia's case, the Arab spring was relatively peaceful, and the transition to democracy could happen in a calm way.

Thèse de doctorat : Littérature comparée : Lyon 2 : 2000. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. Filmogr.

Texte remanié de: Th. 3e cycle--Paris 1-Sorbonne, 1982. / En annexe, choix de documents, notamment sur le parti communiste tunisien. Bibliogr. p. 9 et p. 368-380. Index.

Akademisk avhandling--Lingvistik--Göteborg, 1980. / Bibliogr. p. 187-189.

No description available.

Corruption is a phenomenon that is widespread across the globe. As a phenomenom, it can occur at a post office,when a policeman stops you for speeding, or between big companies and politicians. Tunisia is the birthplace ofthe so-called Arab spring, and one big reason why the tunisian people rioted against the former president Ben Ali was because of the corruption that had plagued the society. The research question of this thesis is “What kind of corruption problems is Tunisia suffering from?”. This research paper tries to investigate Tunisia as a case, by using Michael Johnston’s four corruption syndromes influence markets, elite cartels, oligarchs and clans and official moguls as a theoretical framework. The empirical material used in this study was obtained by using the following qualitative methods. Firstly, gathering information from reports written by various internationally recognised organizations, secondly from different newspapers who have reported about corruption-related incidents in Tunisia, and thirdly by conducting an interview with a former governmental advisor in Tunisia. The results of this study showed that Tunisia still is plagued by corruption, after more than a decade since the toppling of the Ben Ali regime. Today, elite cartels is the best fitting corruption syndrome to describe the corruption goingon in Tunisia today, due to different corrupt networks cooperating and benefitting eachother by using corruptpractises, mainly along the Libyan border.

Det här är en studie om den svenska dagstidningsrapporteringen om inledningen av den arabiska våren i Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen under år 2011. Vår utgångspunkt är de tolv klassiska nyhetsvärderingsteorierna, med tyngd på geografisk, kulturell och ekonomisk närhet. Uppsatsen syfte är att få bättre kännedom om likheterna och skillnaderna i den svenska rapporteringen från de tre länderna Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen. Vi undersöker två veckor för varje land i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Vi har valt att se tidningarna som en gemensam portal för den svenska internationella mediebevakningen. Vi har gjort en kvantitativ undersökning, när rapporteringen av upproren började, hur den såg ut och vilka källor man valde att lyfta fram. Vi valde också att göra en mindre kvalitativ intervjuundersökning för att förstå förhållandena för de svenska utrikesreportrarna. Resultatet av analysen visar många likheter mellan länderna. Majoriteten av källorna var andra nyhetsbyråer. Största skillnaden var hur man skapade närhet till händelserna i de olika länderna. I Egypten så fokuserade journalisterna mer på att lyfta fram svenskarna i upproret och att ta upp vardagsproblem som publiken kunde identifiera sig med, till exempel att maten började ta slut i butikerna eller känslan över att demokratiska rättigheter var hotade. Tunisiens rapportering var mer folkorienterad medan artiklarna om Libyen hade mer fokus på elitpersoner. Den arabiska våren påverkade resten av världen både ekonomiskt och politiskt vilket gav ett högt nyhetsvärde i tidningarna.

The wave of protests that swept over Middle East and North Africa in 2011, known as Arab spring, has failed to bring democracy to the regions. However, only in Tunisia the Arab spring led to a transition to democracy in 2011. After the democratic transition, Tunisia has been facing multiple challenges, such as political instability and terroristattacks. The aim of this study is to examine the political development in Tunisia in the period 2011-2022 to investigate obstacles and opportunities to democratic consolidation in Tunisia. Using case study as method and Samuel P Huntington’s theory of democratic consolidation, the study has identified that the democratic governments failure to deliver reforms to Tunisia’s economic problems and the lack of cooperation between political elite to find solutions to Tunisia’s economic problems , as two obstacles to the democratic consolidation. Moreover, the study explains the failure of democratic consolidation with the lack of development of a democratic political culture in the country since Tunisia’s economic problems have been exploited by the political elite to undemocratically increase their power. Despite a widespread support for democracy between the people, there is a risk for autocratization in Tunisia as country's current political system promotes one-man rule.