Transformation of the US Foreign Policy Diploma thesis "Transformation of the US Foreign Policy" consists changes and tranformations in the US foreign policy connected with alternations of president's administratives. Especially with the alternation in 2001, when Goerge W. Bush supplied Bill Clinton and than with 2009 when Barack Obama became president of the USA. My essential resource were special books about US foreign policy. Thereafter books from the field of theory of international relations and finally I used internet resources as special articles or manifests records. Diploma thesis is focused on foreign and security policy. Arise and progress of the USA shaped American identity. Hypothesis of work is connected with issue that even conducts and acts of administratives could be different, policy always following this American self-identity.

This thesis focuses on the role of the advisors in the US foreign policy, especially in the decision-making process, which constitutes a part of presidential system in the United States of America. The methodology of the conceptual part is based on individual typologies of presidential control of the US administrations. The thesis also describes evolution of this discipline, which in the USA is studied in the field of Foreign Policy Analysis. The conceptual scheme of the presidential control is based on the models by Johnson, George and Mitchell. The theoretical approach to the roles of advisors is patterned on the models of Mulcahy, Crabb and Hönig. The thesis combines these theoretical bases to describe and explain the evolution of presidential control typologies. Some problematic particularities of the Mitchell typology are also reviewed in this part. The next part based on the theoretical models analyses empirical reality. The analytical part constitutes of two case studies, which describe the role of the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs in the key deliberations of the presidential administrations of William J. Clinton (reaction to the conflict in Bosnia) and George W. Bush (preparation of the invasion in Iraq). The aim of this thesis is to applicate the typologies of...

There is a lively academic debate concerning US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era and especially after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. Neoconservatism has become a cause celebre in the literature of international relations with a variety of scholars disagreeing as to its supposed impact on Washington's world affairs approach and the Bush administration's decision to remove Saddam Hussein, from power manu militari. This thesis is an analysis of the way this political ideology was interpreted in the European elite media. It will be demonstrated how a significant section of key opinion-forming newspapers of Britain, France, Germany and Italy framed neoconservatism during the administration of Bill Clinton and partly that of George W. Bush. There will be an exploration of whether and how newspapers vary in their coverage. The thesis will outline that the influence of the neoconservatives in US foreign policy can be disputed and will suggest that their ideas can be hardly considered as revolutionary ones. It will then focus on the media coverage and will show that the prominence devoted to neoconservatism by the accessed print sources is a relatively recent phenomenon. The findings indicate that the newspapers differed in their representation of the political ideology only in the period before 9/11 when they mainly discussed it in the context of domestic affairs. By contrast, after the terrorist atrocities and especially since 2003 they linked neoconservatism to US foreign policy and largely focused on it - as opposed to competing international relations theories -, representing it in a remarkably similar way. With the exception of The Times, which followed a comparatively balanced approach, they constructed it as a driving force behind George W. Bush's international politics approach and the war on Iraq. The media emphasis on neoconservatism will be attributed to different factors - such the scapegoat theory - which maybe influenced the journalistic work. The general consensus as to their understanding of neoconservatism and its supposed impact will not support the claim of a European public sphere but will be considered as a positive step towards its possible creation.

The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.

Pendant huit ans [de 2000 à 2008], on nous a dit et répété que tout ce que l’administration Bush a prétendu et fait [de la lutte contre « l’axe du mal » à la campagne anti-terroriste internationale, et de la guerre préemptive ou préventive à la « démocratisation » du Moyen-Orient par tous les moyens…etc.,] trouve sa source dans l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs qui cherchent à « rendre le monde meilleur », et à « moraliser » la vie politique nationale et internationale, notamment par une rénovation des valeurs [conservatrices] américaines et par un engagement plus actif vis-à-vis des problèmes internationaux.Mais à la lumière des constats que nous avons été amenés à faire lors de notre investigation, il devient clair que : contrairement à ce qui est largement répandu, ce n’est ni l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs ni le bloc religieux et messianique allié du Président Bush qui guident son action au Moyen-Orient et ailleurs, mais l’économie. En effet, les clés de la politique Bush au Moyen-Orient ne sont idéologiques qu’en apparence. En réalité, elles sont à découvrir dans les intérêts économiques et financiers que cette administration a cherché à défendre, à protéger, et à acquérir. Ces clés sont à trouver dans l’argent des contributions qui financent les campagnes électorales. Elles sont également celles du grand Capital, de l’Amérique des corporations industrielles et financières, des multinationales, des lobbies et autres groupes de pression qui dominent la vie politique aux Etats-Unis et influencent sa politique au Moyen-Orient jusqu’à la colorer de leurs propres couleurs. / For eight years [from 2000 through 2008], we were told repeatedly that what the Bush administration did and claimed [from the fight against the “axis of evil” to the campaign against international terrorism, and from the pre-emptive or preventive war to the “democratization” of the Middle East by any means, etc.], has its roots in the Neoconservative moral ideology seeking to “make the world better”, and “moralize” national and international politics, including a renewal of [conservative] American values and more an active commitment towards international issues. But in the light of the findings that we have been led to from our investigation, it becomes clear that contrary to what is widespread, it is neither moral ideology of the Neoconservatives nor the religious and messianic bloc allied to President Bush that guided his actions in the Middle East and elsewhere, but the economy. Indeed, the keys to the Bush policy in the ! Middle East are ideological only in appearance. In fact, they are to be discovered in the economic and financial interests that the administration has sought to defend, protect and acquire. These keys are to be found in money contributions that finance political campaigns. They are also those of big business, the American industrial and financial corporations, multinationals, lobbies and other pressure groups that dominate political life in the United States and the influence they exert on the Middle East policy.

As produções teóricas sobre os países pobres fundamentam a compreensão dessas nações seus problemas e os meios de solucioná-los em uma determinada representação do que seriam essas regiões do globo. Nesse sentido, é possível perceber que o próprio método científico para se abarcar o objeto, a possibilidade de se pensar em progresso, os termos desse progresso, tudo isso está baseado em uma determinada representação do que define esse atraso. A partir dessa perspectiva, esta dissertação analisa a transformação nos termos representacionais utilizados pela teoria do desenvolvimento político que foi produzida nos Estados Unidos durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Esta teoria é um objeto especialmente qualificado de estudo por haver se afastado, durante a década de 1960, da representação econômica e ter inserido de forma privilegiada os termos da insegurança, instabilidade e da ordem. Além de destrinchar essas transformações teóricas esta dissertação intenta ainda compreendê-las no interior do contexto de que fazem parte. Tal perspectiva não pretende entender as características desta produção teórica meramente como reflexo direto de interesses econômicos e políticos, mas principalmente verificar como as idéias incluindo aqui as formulações teóricas são importantes articulações que delimitam uma determinada forma de representar ou compreender o entorno social e político e, com isso, guiam as ações que são dirigidas a esse entorno. / Theoretical literature on poor countries uses as a base for its comprehension of these nations their problems and how to solve them a certain representation of what these regions of the globe would be. Accordingly, it is possible to observe that the scientific method itself used to grasp the object, the possibility of thinking about progress and the terms of this progress, are all based on a certain representation of what defines this backwardness. From this perspective, this dissertation analyzes this transformation in the representational terms used by the theory of political development that was produced in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. This theory is a specially qualified object of study, because during the 1960s, it moved away from an economic representation and inserted, in a privileged manner, aspects of insecurity, instability and order. Besides untangling these theoretical transformations, this dissertation intends furthermore to understand them within their own context. This perspective implies not just in an understanding of the characteristics of this theoretical literature merely as a direct reflection of economical and political interests, but mainly to verify how ideas - including their theoretical formulations - are important articulations that delimit a certain form of representing or understanding our social and political surroundings and, with this, guide actions that are directed to these surroundings.

This project considers the pace of change in international law, focusing on sources of evolution and stagnation. I attempt to determine why negotiators defer to existing law in some situations and not others. To that end, this study explores country preferences towards the status quo in international negotiations. I hypothesize that deference to existing international law is more likely under four conditions. First, countries that have experienced a decline in relative power should promote deference to existing international law. Second, declining powers that have allowed private access by their citizens to existing international institutions should have greater domestic political pressure to protect those arrangements. Third, this relationship should be particularly strong if interested citizens are able to participate (perhaps through the ratification process) in subsequent negotiations. Finally, more complex negotiations (i.e., those including more participants) should result in greater deference to existing international law. The project tests these hypotheses with statistical analysis on a random sample of multilateral treaties, as well as case studies of negotiation practices in the United States, India, and the European Union. The analysis supports all four conjectures, and notes interactions between them. / Dissertation

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Karina Anhezini de Araújo / Banca: Francisco Assis de Queiroz / Banca: Angelo Aparecido Priori / Resumo: A proposta deste trabalho é examinar comparativamente a trajetória política de um grupo de agentes dos Departamentos de Estado e da Defesa dos Estados Unidos, descrevendo seu papel na gênese da Guerra Fria, entre 1945 e 1950. Na primeira parte, é proposta uma discussão conceitual do tema e a configuração do contexto sócio-político, destacando o mercado de bens simbólicos em torno dos quais foi criada a Doutrina de Contenção de George F. Kennan. Em seguida, é feita a construção das origens e das trajetória de um grupo específico de intelectuais que deram suporte à referida Doutrina para, finalmente, comparar a evolução social, política e econômica de cada um a partir do papel que exerceram na conformação da Guerra Fria. Como fonte histórica, adotar-se-á a produção intelectual disponível de George F. Kennan e obras historiográficas, bibliográficas e documentos oficiais do Departamento de Estado, além de trabalhos biográficos e de memórias / Abstract: This work intends to compare the political trajectories of some US State and Defense Departments' officers related with Cold War's genesis (1945-1950). Divided in three parts, the first one discusses the theoretical views that shaped the period social-political background, the power elite concepts and the symbolical market created around George Kennan's containment policies. Then, the origins and trajectories of a group of officials and intellectuals who gave support to the referred policies will be described, to finally explore their social, political and economic backgrounds, as well as their role in shaping a new foreign policy for their country. George Kennan's intellectual production was the chief historical source of this work, but historiographical and bibliographical volumes related to the period were also examined, along with official documents from State and Defense Department, biographies and memories written by the researched / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:43:28Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pennacchi_amt_dr_assis_parcial.pdf: 177450 bytes, checksum: 2c0f9a5ffa60bed865b8ee2acd02c7fb (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-02-09T17:15:04Z: pennacchi_amt_dr_assis_parcial.pdf,Bitstream added on 2015-02-09T17:15:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000648938.pdf: 1488947 bytes, checksum: bc514d8e37395dc4ad999f2217df2a6e (MD5) / A proposta deste trabalho é examinar comparativamente a trajetória política de um grupo de agentes dos Departamentos de Estado e da Defesa dos Estados Unidos, descrevendo seu papel na gênese da Guerra Fria, entre 1945 e 1950. Na primeira parte, é proposta uma discussão conceitual do tema e a configuração do contexto sócio-político, destacando o mercado de bens simbólicos em torno dos quais foi criada a Doutrina de Contenção de George F. Kennan. Em seguida, é feita a construção das origens e das trajetória de um grupo específico de intelectuais que deram suporte à referida Doutrina para, finalmente, comparar a evolução social, política e econômica de cada um a partir do papel que exerceram na conformação da Guerra Fria. Como fonte histórica, adotar-se-á a produção intelectual disponível de George F. Kennan e obras historiográficas, bibliográficas e documentos oficiais do Departamento de Estado, além de trabalhos biográficos e de memórias / This work intends to compare the political trajectories of some US State and Defense Departments’ officers related with Cold War’s genesis (1945-1950). Divided in three parts, the first one discusses the theoretical views that shaped the period social-political background, the power elite concepts and the symbolical market created around George Kennan`s containment policies. Then, the origins and trajectories of a group of officials and intellectuals who gave support to the referred policies will be described, to finally explore their social, political and economic backgrounds, as well as their role in shaping a new foreign policy for their country. George Kennan’s intellectual production was the chief historical source of this work, but historiographical and bibliographical volumes related to the period were also examined, along with official documents from State and Defense Department, biographies and memories written by the researched

Submitted by PAOLA GONÇALVES RANGEL DO PRADO JULIANO null (paolagprado@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-17T12:04:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Paola Prado - Revisada Final.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-10-18T19:49:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_pgr_dr_mar.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-18T19:49:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 prado_pgr_dr_mar.pdf: 1105237 bytes, checksum: 74bfe16e4cc31c9d83aa6b15decd511a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-18 / A palavra democracia aparece em destaque em documentos estratégicos e discursos presidenciais. O mesmo ocorre com o termo segurança – questão permanente dos governos –, em especial a partir da segunda metade do século XX. A preocupação com segurança ligada diretamente aos interesses nacionais vitais muitas vezes deu abertura para iniciativas intervencionistas unilaterais, estratégia constantemente considerada por policy makers. Esta tese defende a ideia de que o equilíbrio entre segurança e democracia varia na medida em que é apresentado à comunidade internacional ou à doméstica; assim como é afetado pela disposição dos governos em agir multilateralmente. O objetivo geral é compreender o significado de multilateralismo para os EUA, identificando como o binômio democracia/segurança impacta no entendimento deste conceito. O pressuposto é que esse binômio faz parte da cultura de política externa norte-americana, sendo originado da combinação de elementos jacksonianos e wilsonianos. O objetivo específico é analisar como democracia e segurança influenciaram a construção de estratégias de política externa nos governos de Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) e Barack Obama (2009-2016) a partir dos documentos State of the Union – destinado para público interno – e o National Security Strategy (NSS) – destinado ao público externo. Buscam-se também as análises das variações dos governos em torno do multilateralismo dadas a partir da dinâmica partidária. O 11 de setembro de 2001 marcou o enrijecimento da política de segurança do país, permitindo considerações acerca do antes e depois destes eventos em torno de iniciativas multilaterais. Aponta-se que haja pendularidade na prática americana com relação ao multilateralismo e a data pode ser tratada como momento importante do pêndulo, ao enrijecer a política externa e reduzir a valorização do direito internacional e das instituições internacionais. O multilateralismo é um mecanismo de estabilização da ordem internacional que pode desencadear processos cooperativos entre os Estados – ao contrário do unilateralismo – sendo, portanto, mais facilmente defendido para a comunidade internacional. / The word democracy is highlighted in strategic documents and presidential speeches. The same is true of the term security - the permanent issue of governments - especially since the second half of the twentieth century. Concern for security tied directly to vital national interests often opened up to unilateral interventionist initiatives, a strategy consistently considered policy makers. This thesis supports the idea that the balance between security and democracy varies as it is presented to the international or domestic community; as much as it is affected by the willingness of governments to act multilaterally. The overall objective is to understand the meaning of multilateralism for the US, identifying how the democracy / security binomial impacts the understanding of this concept. The assumption is that this binomial is part of the culture of American foreign policy, originated from the combination of Jacksonian and Wilsonian elements. The specific objective is to analyze how democracy and security have influenced the construction of foreign policy strategies in the governments of Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) and Barack Obama (2009-2016) from the State of the Union documents - for internal audiences - and the National Security Strategy (NSS) - for the external public. It also seeks to analyze the governments’ variations around the multilateralism given from the partisan dynamics. September 11, 2001 marked the hardening of the country's security policy, allowing considerations about before and after these events around multilateral initiatives. It is pointed out that there is a pendulum in American practice regarding multilateralism, and the date can be treated as an important moment of the pendulum, by hardening foreign policy and reducing the value of international law and international institutions. Multilateralism is a mechanism for stabilizing the international order that can trigger cooperative processes between states - unlike unilateralism - and is therefore more easily defended for the international community. / La palabra democracia aparece en destaque en documentos estratégicos y discursos presidenciales. Lo mismo ocurre con el término seguridad - cuestión permanente de los gobiernos -, en particular a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. La preocupación por la seguridad vinculada directamente a los intereses nacionales vitales a menudo dio apertura a iniciativas intervencionistas unilaterales, estrategia constantemente considerada por los responsables políticos. Esta tesis defiende la idea de que el equilibrio entre seguridad y democracia varía en la medida en que se presenta a la comunidad internacional o a la doméstica; así como se ve afectado por la disposición de los gobiernos a actuar multilateralmente. El objetivo general es comprender el significado de multilateralismo para los Estados Unidos, identificando cómo el binomio democracia / seguridad impacta en el entendimiento de este concepto. El supuesto es que ese binomio forma parte de la cultura de política exterior norteamericana, siendo originado de la combinación de elementos jacksonianos y wilsonianos. El objetivo específico es el análisis de cómo la democracia y la seguridad influenciaron la construcción de estrategias de política exterior en los gobiernos de Bill Clinton (1993-2001), George W. Bush (2001-2009) y Barack Obama (2009-2016) desde los documentos State of the Union, destinados al público interno, y la National Security Strategy (NSS), destinada al público externo. Se busca también analizar las variaciones de los gobiernos en torno al multilateralismo dadas a partir de la dinámica partidista. El 11 de septiembre de 2001 marcó el endurecimiento de la política de seguridad del país, permitiendo consideraciones sobre el antes y después de estos eventos en torno a iniciativas multilaterales. Se señala que hay pendularidad en la práctica americana con relación al multilateralismo, y la fecha puede ser tratada como momento importante del péndulo, al enriquecer la política exterior y reducir la valorización del derecho internacional y de las instituciones internacionales. El multilateralismo es un mecanismo de estabilización del orden internacional que puede desencadenar procesos cooperativos entre los Estados, al contrario del unilateralismo, por lo que es más fácilmente defendido para la comunidad internacional.