Yes / Given the devastating impact of austerity upon employment in the public sector and the re-prioritising of union funds, it is essential for PCS to continue to develop new and innovative ways of offering support to their officials in respect of their existing roles as well as their potential development into decision making positions and onto committees. Moreover, true influence and representation within the workplace is achieved through an effective voice within the union and as such PCS must continue to promote gender proportionality throughout decision making structures and leadership roles at all levels. Mentoring as a support strategy within business and the third sector has received much attention in recent years and is reportedly positively associated with career and job satisfaction, expectations for advancement, intention to stay (increased tenure), being better able to deal with negative work scenarios and conflict, improved confidence, feeling better prepared and supported and feeling better integrated into a wider organisation or network. This research report, therefore, ultimately seeks to generate empirical evidence to support the development of a national PCS mentoring programme as a means of providing support and encouraging the development of all officials whilst also providing a means for female officials to better circumvent barriers to activism and development. This report presents the headline findings from a large scale survey of almost 500 PCS lay officials and concludes that where informal mentoring already occurs officials receive tangible developmental benefits, moreover there is universal support for the development of a national PCS mentoring programme.

While much is known about what contributes to teacher attrition, there is less research on those who leave teaching positions to work as a union representative. The purpose of this study was to explore how three teacher union representatives frame their experiences with mobility, leadership, and advocacy in education. The research question was: How do former teachers enter and perform the role of teacher union representative? The sub-level questions were: a) How do they story their transition from teaching students to representing teachers? b) How do they frame the responsibility of teacher unions and teacher union representatives to advocate? Data were collected using semi-structured interviews, examined for story elements and plot, and interpreted using a framework on working conditions (House, 1981). The major theme was that educators left their positions as teachers in response to emotional, instrumental, informational and appraisal factors, namely discrepancies between what they wanted and what was provided as part of their working conditions. The findings are: 1) Working conditions pushed educators to pursue union leadership, 2) Professional responsibilities of a Union Representative varied 3) Issues for which Union Representatives advocated involved the improvement of working conditions. The findings are discussed, as are implications for revising the theoretical framework for use in future studies with regard to the fluidity of the advocacy process, and the long-term sustainability of American Educational Unions. Recommended are longitudinal studies to determine how teacher union representatives’ frame their narratives of working conditions and advocacy in response to changes in legislation, including union decertification, over time. Keywords: advocacy, union representation, working conditions, administrators, teacher’s rights, framing and professional mobility.

Why do employees vote for or against union representation? A survey of the scholarly literature and an investigation of National Labor Relations Board sponsored elections among Southern industrial workers were conducted to help answer this question. Four hypotheses were proposed to reveal the most important factors. No universally applicable laws were developed by the dissertation study. Although the hypotheses were supported, the response rate was very low in the field research study of sensitive issues. The field research did provide additional empirical evidence to support most of the previous research studies concerning union representation election voting behavior.

The level of membership of trade Unions in Latin America is low. This affects the level of representation of workers by the unions. However, this statement would leave aside the fact that the national legislation formally prevents a substantive number of workers to establish a union in the enterprise or in the industry. The present investigate clarifies this issue based on an analysis or the normative framework and based on official statistical data. / La sindicalización en América Latina es baja. Lo que pone en tela de juicio la representación  de los trabajadores por medio de los sindicatos. Sin embargo, esta afirmación dejaría de lado que la propia normativa nacional impide formalmente que un significativo número de trabajadores puedan constituir un sindicato en la empresa o en la industria. El presente estudio aborda esta problemática integrando en su análisis tanto la interpretación normativa como los datos estadísticos oficiales para dilucidar esta interrogante.

The purpose of this study is to examine the interaction of two variables which may influence employee voting behavior. These variables are the leadership style of the supervisor and the employee personality trait of locus of control. The hypothesis held that the interaction of supervisory style and employee locus of control will result in significant differences in the vote in representation elections. The implicit assumption was that certain combinations of leadership styles and employee internality or externality would influence employee voting behavior. Based on the weight of the evidence, it was concluded that the interaction of supervisory style and employee locus of control does not influence voting behavior; that a significant relationship appears to exist between satisfaction with supervision and voting behavior; and that supervisory Consideration appears to be related to voting behavior, and may result in high levels of satisfaction with supervision.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

Ce mémoire est une analyse socio-juridique de la discrimination en milieu de travail et de son impact sur le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale, ou plus précisément, sur la responsabilité syndicale en contexte de diversité. Partant d’une première approche sociométrique du phénomène, suivie d’une deuxième davantage socio-juridique, le constat est à l’effet que la discrimination en milieu de travail a des répercussions jusque dans les milieux syndiqués,où les flux d’immigration semblent, à plusieurs égards, bousculer l’ordre établi. La revue de littérature permet de dégager deux grands axes de recherche : un premier concernant les forums : dans l’état actuel du droit, ce sont les Tribunaux des droits de la personne qui élaborent les normes applicables au devoir juridique de représentation syndicale dans les cas allégués de discrimination au travail, les Commissions des relations de travail s’adaptant mais lentement, sinon avec réticence, à la nouvelle donne ; le deuxième concernant spécifiquement la partie syndicale : cette dernière pondère l’effet des normes applicables en matière de discrimination au travail tant en fonction de ses propres intérêts stratégiques, que de l’attente des membres, que des préjugés et stéréotypes présents dans le milieu de travail. L’analyse globale porte sur 689 décisions en provenance de quatre Commissions des relations de travail — Québec, Fédéral, Ontario et Colombie-Britannique — et ainsi que des quatre Tribunaux des droits de la personne correspondants, sur une période de dix ans, allant du 1er janvier 2000 au 31 décembre 2009. Quant aux forums, la conclusion est à l’effet qu’au cours de la période étudiée, aucune institution n’a de préséance sur l’autre en ce qui a trait aux motifs illicites de discrimination. Les deux se complétent sans presque se chevaucher, et chacune à leur manière, contribuent fortement à faire progresser les droits de la personne. Par contre, les Commissions des relations de travail ont préséance quant au harcèlement, tandis que les Tribunaux des droits de la personne sont prépondérants face aux mesures d’accommodement. Quant à la partie syndicale, si elle a toujours agi, pour des raisons historiques, en fonction de ses intérêts stratégiques, de l’attente des membres, et des préjugés et stéréotypes présents sur les lieux de travail. Mais, ce qui change au fil du temps, c’est tout ce qui entoure le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale, c’est-à-dire tout le climat général d’application, ainsi que tout le contexte d’analyse et d’évaluation des situations. Quel est donc l’impact de la discrimination en milieu de travail sur le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale ? Dans la mesure où le contexte d’analyse et d’évaluation des situations est la lecture que font les agents, du climat général d’application, et des changements qu’ils y apportent en fonction de leurs propres intérêts stratégiques, du point de vue syndical, cet impact est triple : d’abord, devant chaque cas d’espèce, (1) l’acteur syndical doit désormais jongler avec beaucoup plus de facteurs qu’auparavant ; deuxièmement, (2) envers les salariés de l’unité de négociation, la marge de manoeuvre est beaucoup plus restreinte en contexte de lutte contre la discrimination ; enfin, et c’est le point le plus important, (3) l’économie générale des droits de la personne a pour effet d’introduire une hiérarchie dans les normes applicables, ce qui oblige l’acteur syndical à s’adapter, de façon constante, à un climat général d’application sans cesse changeant, auquel tous les agents contribuent, y compris lui-même. / This project is a socio-juridical study of the discrimination in the workplace, and its impact on the juridical duty of fair union representation, or more precisely, about the union responsability in a context of diversity. Beginning with a sociometric approach, completed with another one more socio-juridical, discrimination in the workplace is deemed to have a lot of repercussions even in unionized environments where immigration seems to shake up the established order. The literature survey exposes two main axis of interrogations : the first is related to the forums : in the actual state of the law, it is the Human Rights Tribunals that show the way in terms of the standards applicable to the juridical duty of fair union representation in alleged cases of discrimination, the Labour Relations Commissions abiding, but slowly, or else with reluctance, to the new deal ; the second is related specifically to the Union : it balances out the effect of the new standards in accordance with their own strategical interests, as well as to the member expectations, and in view of the prejudices and stereotypes presents in the workplace. The global analysis is based on 689 decisions from four Labour Relations Commissions — Quebec, Federal, Ontario and British-Columbia — along with their corresponding Human Rights Tribunals, within a period of ten years, extending from January 1st, 2000 to December 31st, 2009. With respect to the forums, the findings are that, for the above-mentionned period, none of the institution prevails over the other, in connection with the prohibited grounds of discrimination, the two contributing, as they see fit, to the extensive developpement of the human rights in the workplace, without clashes, nor overlaping. With respect to harassment, the Commissions prevail, and on the accommodation side, the Tribunals do. As to the union party specifically, the findings are that it has always acted, for historical reasons, in accordance with their own strategical interests, the member expectations, and the prejudices and stereotypes present in the workplace, but what has changed — from yesterday to this day — is the general application climate surrounding the juridical duty of fair union representation, as well as the analytical context in the evaluation of situations. Therefore, what is the impact of the discrimination in the workplace on the juridical duty of fair union representation ? Taking into account that the analytical context in the evaluation of situations is how the different agents construe the general application climate, along with all the changes they contribute therein in conjonction with their own strategical interests, then, at the union party level, there is three major impacts : first, (1) the union party has to fiddle around with more factors than ever before ; second, (2) with respect to the employees of a barginning unit, the room for manoeuver is much more restricted in all cases involving discrimination; and finally, this is the mere point, (3) the general economy of the human rights legislations has the effect of introducing a hierarchy to the applicable standards, hence forcing the union party, on a continuous basis, to adapt itself accordingly to the ever changing general application climate to which every agent contributes, including itself.

No description available.

La ricerca prende avvio dalla ricostruzione dei processi socio-economici che hanno portato alla crisi del modo di produzione taylorista-fordista. Muovendo da tali riflessioni, si constata come le imprese “post-fordiste” si avvalgano in misura crescente di lavoratori autonomi, un tempo coordinati e continuativi e, oggi, a progetto (artt. 61 e ss., d.lgs. 276/2003). Tali collaboratori sono, dunque, soggetti ad un potere (contrattuale) di coordinamento del committente che, alle volte, si somma ad una condizione di dipendenza economica dal committente medesimo. Si crea, quindi, una differenziazione interna all'area dell'autonomia coordinata che non pare adeguatamente valorizzata dal legislatore ordinario, ma che sembra interessare i sindacati. Il dato reale vede, infatti, agire rappresentanze varie, sicché occorre circoscrivere l'ambito di applicabilità degli artt. 39 e 40 Cost. L'assenza di un genuino interesse collettivo e di un'effettiva attività di autotutela inducono a ritenere che i collaboratori “forti” e il relativo associazionismo possano beneficiare delle sole tutele poste dagli artt. 2, 18 e 41 Cost. A conclusione si affrontano le problematiche che la ricostruzione così svolta solleva, ovverosia come garantire l'effettività delle tutele riconosciute al sindacalismo dei collaboratori “deboli” e come contemperare l'associazionismo dei collaboratori “forti” con il diritto antitrust comunitario. / The search starts with the reconstruction of socio-economic processes. Moving from these reflections, it's possible to see that today's companies take advantage of increasingly self-employed coordinated and continuous and, after d.lgs. 276/2003 “lavoratori a progetto”. These employees are, therefore, subject to a power (contractual) coordination of the customer that, at times, it adds up to a state of economic dependence by the same. It then creates an internal differentiation into autonomy area that does not seem properly valued by the ordinary legislator, but that seems to involve trade unions. Given that in reality there are different representations, we move to circumscribe the scope of applicability of the Arts. 39 and 40 Const. The absence of a genuine interest and genuine self activities suggest that employees "strong" and its associations can only benefit from the protections posed by Arts. 2, 18 and 41 Const. At the end tackling the problems so that the reconstruction turn raises, namely how to ensure the effectiveness of the safeguards recognized unionism collaborators "weak" and reconcile the associations of employees "strong" with the antitrust law.