Esta tese tem por objetivo criticar a \"Doutrina Bush\", cujos termos foram lançados na Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA de 2002 e têm orientado a política externa da atual Administração daquele país no sentido de uma maior assertividade do poder militar estadunidense contra as ameaças, atuais ou futuras, que ponham em risco a sua posição de dominância no plano internacional, em particular no seu pleito de legalidade da legítima defesa chamada preemptiva. A este respeito, esta tese faz duas afirmações centrais: 1) que, ao contrário do que os termos em que está formulada nos querem fazer crer, não se trata de uma política de ataques preemptivos, mas sim de ataques preventivos, que não podem ser subsumidos ao instituto jurídico da legítima defesa; 2) que qualquer política de ataques preventivos decididos de maneira unilateral é incompatível com a manutenção da ordem no atual sistema em que se estruturam as relações internacionais na atualidade. Para tanto, na primeira parte da tese, é analisada a justificação político-filosófica da legítima defesa, cujo reconhecimento nos sistemas jurídicos positivos se revela uma condição racional de sua legitimidade, bem como, a partir dos limites marcados pelos princípios justificantes - agressão atual e necessidade dos meios empregados na defesa -, é apresentado um conceito ideal de legítima defesa; na segunda parte, expõe-se a regulação do instituto da legítima defesa no direito internacional, especialmente na Carta da ONU, contra a qual é, em seguida, comparada a proposta de \"legítima defesa preemptiva\" feita pela \"Doutrina Bush\". Desta se conclui que, nos termos em que é formulada, não pode ser considerada como legítima defesa, porque dispensa o requisito do ataque atual, em curso ou iminente, revelando-se verdadeira ação preventiva, cuja atribuição somente deve caber a um órgão que represente a comunidade internacional, no caso, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, sob pena de fragilizar a proibição do uso da força nas relações internacionais. Por outro lado, entendida a preempção nos estreitos limites da resposta antecipada a um ataque iminente, defende-se que seja abrangida pela permissão do uso da força em legítima defesa, desde que sujeita a alguma forma de controle posterior. / This thesis intends to refute the so-called \"Bush Doctrine\", whose terms have been laid down in the National Security Strategy of the United States of America in 2002, and have since then oriented the present Administration\'s foreign policy towards a greater assertiveness of military power against either present or future threats to its dominant position in international relations, in particular its proposition of a right to preemptive self-defense. In this respect, this thesis advance two central claims: 1) that, contrary to what the actual terms in which this doctrine is formulated might want to suggest, it is not a policy of preemptive strikes that is being proposed, but one of prevention, which is beyond the reach of the legal right of self-defense; 2) that any policy of unilateral preventive strikes is contrary to the maintenance of order in the present international system. In order to support this claims, in the first part of the thesis, the philosophical and political justification of the right to self-defense is examined, the recognition of such a right in actual normative systems emerging as a rational condition of their legitimacy, and an ideal concept of self-defense is advanced that results from the application to the claim to individual self-preservation of the requirements deriving from this justification: an actual aggression and the concrete necessity of the means employed in the defense; in the second part of the thesis, the regulation of self-defense by international law, specially through the Charter of the United Nations, is explained, in the terms of which the legality of the Bush Doctrine\'s claim of preemptive self-defense is verified. Of this claim it is concluded that, at least in the way it is described by the National Security Strategy, it cannot be regarded as self-defense, because it does away with the necessary element of an actual aggression, either in progress or imminent, being in fact a variety of preventive use of force, the recourse to which should be restricted to an organ representing the community, in this case the Security Council of the United Nations, lest the prohibition of the recourse to force in international relations is relaxed. That notwithstanding, it is advanced that, as long as one understands preemption only as an early response to an imminent attack, it can be reconciled with the authorization to use force in self-defense, if subjected to some form of ex post control.

Citizen complaints about inappropriate use of force indicate negative police-public relations, unresponsive police services, and the unresponsiveness of police management to citizens' concerns. However, the effective delivery of key policing services depends on the performance of individual police officers. Surveillance technology can monitor and control the behavior of officers, ensuring that police officers provide high quality policing services that meet the needs of citizens. Examples of surveillance technology such as in-car cameras and CCTV can be used as an administrative tool to respond to citizen complaints by police chief executives. This research examines the effect of surveillance technology on the behavior of municipal police departments that is operationalized as the number of citizen complaints that were filed against municipal police departments. This research also examines the impact of surveillance technology on dismissed and sustained complaints by using 511 large municipal police departments in the U.S. from Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) 2003 dataset. Three different models are developed to evaluate the impact of in-car cameras and CCTV on the citizen complaints and their dispositions. Two ordinary least square regression (OLS) models and a Heckman selection model are used to analyze the data. The Heckman selection model is utilized to correct for selection bias in truncated data for sustained complaints after log transformation. The results suggest that the use of surveillance technology by the police is necessary, but insufficient, in reducing the number of complaints. The finding suggests that videotaped evidence, recorded by surveillance technology, increased the number of convictions of accused officers in municipal police departments. The analysis also suggests that municipal police departments that used CCTV only in 2003 received a higher number of citizen complaints, in comparison to municipal police departments without CCTV, both in 2000 and 2003. No evidence was found to indicate that surveillance technology has a positive impact on the percentage of dismissed complaints.

The unwilling or unable doctrine and its development in international law Abstract The unwilling or unable doctrine represents a response of the international community to the increasing presence of non-state actors in international relations. According to this doctrine, a state who suffers an attack by a non-state actor is entitled to intervene in the territory of the state where this non-state actor finds its harbour, given that this state is unwilling or unable to tackle the threat alone. This, in turn, means that the harbouring state must endure an intervention by the attacked state on its territory, even though the harbouring state has not resorted to the use of force itself - the action of the non-state actor is not attributable to it. This thesis first pays attention to the concept of self-defence, in terms of its two equivalent content sources - customary and contractual international law. Both of these sources set certain (pre)conditions for the exercise of the right to self-defence. In the case of customary law, these are conditions of necessity, proportionality and immediacy. The UN Charter then determines one further precondition for exercising the right to self-defence - the existence of a previous armed attack. Given that the unwilling or unable doctrine is a specific example of how states...

L’objectif de la présente recherche portant sur l’évolution du droit des États à recourir à la force dans les relations nternationales est de montrer suivant une approche historique fondée sur le droit international que la pratique des États en la matière a changé. Effectivement, du droit de « faire la guerre » reconnu comme un droit souverain, passant par les premières tentatives de son encadrement au XIXe siècle, la rupture significative est venue en 1945 avec la création de l’ONU ; la Charte des Nations Unies ayant consacré un principe d’interdiction du recours à la force, exception faite de la légitime défense et de l’autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Toutefois, aucune précision n’ayant été apportée sur la forme que doit prendre cette autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, dès 1966 comme dans l’affaire rhodésienne, ce dernier autorisait explicitement l’usage de « la force ». À partir de 1990, il prend de l’assurance avec la technique de l’autorisation et retient la formulation implicite d’« autorise les États Membres à user de tous les moyens nécessaires ». Cependant, il arrive qu’une résolution du Conseil ne soit ni n’explicite, ni implicite, mais des États interviennent, arguant de l’existence d’une autorisation implicite du fait de l’émergence des doctrines comme « guerre préventive », « guerre contre le terrorisme » ou encore « intervention humanitaire ». Des cas d’interventions menées en 1992 au Libéria, 1999 en Sierra Leone et au Kosovo et en 2003 contre l’Irak, sont illustrateurs. Ainsi, sur la base de l’interprétation des résolutions du Conseil, l’autorisation implicite tend à devenir la règle en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Dès lors, afin d’éviter de réduire le jus ad bellum à un unilatéralisme excessif, et en démontrant la conformité de l’autorisation implicite au régime juridique établi du recours à la force en droit international, nous invitons à la redéfinition de celle-ci. / The purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one.

In the last 20 years, the number of incidents involving police use of force (UOF) has nearly doubled in Canada (Marcoux & Nicholson, 2018). There have been at least 460 documented fatal police encounters across Canada between the years 2000 and 2017 and at least 1,860 police UOF investigations specifically in Ontario (Dunn, 2018; Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2018). According to a 2019 annual report by Ottawa Police Service (OPS, 2019), a municipal police service in Ontario, between the years 2018 and 2019, OPS reported a 21% decrease (from 767 to 607) of applications of force among officers and a 15% increase (from 529 to 609) of UOF reports. Although the latter data is relevant to Ottawa, to better understand and potentially minimize negative police-civilian encounters, both specifically and on a larger scale, this Canadian-focused study centers on policing as well as the context at OPS and explores the extent to which professional education (PE) influences professional practice (PP). It does so by reviewing OPS’s UOF training and gathering perspectives from patrol officers and UOF educators. Using a qualitative instrumental case study (QICS) research design, the study analyzes the UOF training materials that OPS used to certify and recertify officers between the years 2010 and 2021. It also incorporates semi-structured interviews with officers and educators to gather insights on how participants define UOF, their perspectives on their pre-service and in-service training, as well as how they relate their PE to their police-civilian encounters, particularly when they used or did not use force. A document analysis of the data revealed that OPS’s UOF training uses both traditional as well as progressive and collaborative approaches to educate and relate to officers. Such approaches also aim to promote appropriate communication and de-escalation skills. At the same time, the learning objectives found in the lesson plans lack the detail needed to signify that officers have achieved the intended goal of the training. Among the important themes that emerged from the interviews were 1) the differences in priorities, between the officers and educators, concerning UOF training, 2) the value that officers place on their instructors’ experiences, 3) the challenges that educators face while adhering to provincial expectations, and 4) the integral role that training and life experiences play during police-civilian encounters. The relevance of social media was another significant theme that emerged within the study, particularly considering the participants’ views on the current social climate of policing (i.e., how the public perceives the police as well as the contentious debate about defunding the police). With limited research on police perspectives and issues specific to policing in Canada, the present study, by virtue of access to OPS’s training materials, patrol officers and UOF instructors, seeks to initiate rich and meaningful discussions about PE and PP. It also aims to encourage reflection among educators, policy-makers and society so as to address and deepen our understanding of issues related to education.

Le présent mémoire s’intéresse aux caméras corporelles utilisées pour filmer des interventions policières, plus particulièrement, il explore la présence d’un possible biais de perspective entraînée par ce type de caméra. Le manque de connaissances empiriques entourant l’utilisation de ce nouvel outil de travail dans le monde policier renforce l’intérêt de cette étude. Ce mémoire vise à vérifier l’objectivité des vidéos produites par les caméras corporelles considérant que ces dernières seront utilisées pour prendre des décisions juridiques importantes. Pour ce faire, 216 participants ont visionné 3 versions de vidéos d’interventions policières comportant différents niveaux d’usage de la force et étant filmées soit à l’aide d’un cellulaire, d’une caméra de surveillance ou d’une caméra corporelle. Les participants devaient ensuite compléter un questionnaire qui permettait d’explorer leur perception quant à la légitimité de l’usage de la force utilisée par les policiers et quant aux conséquences positives ou négatives auxquelles devrait faire face le policier impliqué. Il sera donc question de comparer leur appréciation de l’intervention en fonction du type de caméra utilisé pour filmer. Les analyses descriptives ont permis d’établir que les groupes assignés aléatoirement aux différentes versions de vidéos d’interventions sont bien équivalents. Des analyses bivariées ont permis d’observer que le biais de perspective était présent pour l’intervention du parc seulement, soit une intervention requérant un usage de la force extrême, mais pas pour l’intervention de la route, soit une autre intervention présentant une force extrême, ni pour l’intervention présentant un cas de violence conjugale, qui elle présentait une force modérée. Les résultats suggèrent donc que le biais de perspective ne se manifeste pas dans le cas des interventions policières où la force utilisée est modérée, puisque les conséquences découlant de la stratégie physique utilisée sont moins graves. De plus, les résultats suggèrent que, lorsqu’une force extrême est utilisée durant une intervention policière, le biais de perspective ne se manifeste pas s’il semble qu’aucune alternative moins coercitive n’aurait été efficace afin de contrer la menace et de protéger les individus. / This thesis is interested in body cameras used to film police interventions, more specifically, it explores the presence of a possible perspective bias caused by this type of camera. The lack of empirical knowledge surrounding the use of this new tool in the police world reinforces the interest of this study. This study aims to verify the objectivity of videos produced by body cameras considering that they will be used to make important legal decisions. To do this, 216 participants viewed 3 versions of videos of police interventions with different levels of use of force and being filmed either using a cell phone, a surveillance camera or a body-worn camera. Participants were then asked to complete a survey that explored their perception of the legitimacy of the use of force used by police officers and the positive or negative consequences that the police officer involved should face, according to them. It will therefore be a question of comparing their assessment of the intervention according to the type of camera used to film. The descriptive analyzes made it possible to establish that the groups randomly assigned to the different versions of the intervention videos are indeed equivalent. Bivariate analyzes made it possible to observe that the perspective bias was present for the intervention of the park only, either an intervention requiring the use of extreme force, but not for the intervention of the road, another intervention presenting an extreme force, nor for the intervention presenting a case of domestic violence, which presented a moderate force. The results suggest therefore that the perspective bias does not manifest itself in the case of police interventions where the force used is moderate, since the consequences resulting from the physical strategy used are less serious. Moreover, the results suggest that when extreme force is used during a police intervention, the perspective bias does not manifest itself if it seems that no less coercive alternative would have been effective in order to counter the threatens and protect individuals.

The action in distressed situations must be resolved in accordance with the laws and regulations that the police must take into consideration. In order to achieve this in the best possible way, the individual police officers sense of security in the situation is a key factor. A security that is closely associated with a deeper knowledgement, a feeling that arises when you feel in control of the situation, regardless of whether physical violence is ongoing or imminent. The individual´s own insight into their own ability means that the individual police officer will resolve the situation quickly and efficiently, which is described as a feeling of being one step ahead, being able to control the course of events. A belief that one can initially solve the situation through communication, physical coercion or finally with the tools available on the belt. The actions of an individual police officer in distressed situations depend on the knowledge and experience that the individual already possessed. It can be experiences from more controlled situations like MAT, POLKON-training or from similar events that have taken place earlier in duty. These underlying skills is the base for resolving the situation accordance with the laws and regulations that the police have to take into account. Eight respondents chose to participate in this qualitative study which consisted of an interview where the conversations were held about the concept of security and how the respondents would solve two situations as they were presented via video. This hermeneutic interpretation of the material can´t give any direct conclusions as the basis of the study is small but an indication that knowledge in MAT, makes the respondents more confident in the situations they were face with during the interviews.

The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations¿ counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a ¿perfect storm¿ known as the ¿war on terror¿. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.

La présente étude vise à étoffer la maigre littérature existante traitant du BEI et de l’intégration d’enquêteurs provenant de la sphère civile au sein d’organisations policières. Plus précisément, cette étude a été achevée avec l’intention de mettre en lumière les défis et enjeux que peuvent affronter les enquêteurs ex-civils dans leur collaboration avec les policiers retraités au Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à l’entretien semi-dirigé de 22 enquêteurs du BEI, dont 14 ex-civils et 8 policiers retraités. L’analyse des données a révélé des enjeux et défis pouvant être répartis en deux catégories: l’expertise et les relations. En premier lieu, la carence d'expertise des ex-civils en matière d'enquête criminelle génère des défis relativement à leur formation (dispensée par l’ENPQ), leur avancement aux postes décisionnels au sien du BEI et à leur assignation aux dossiers et tâches d’importance. En second lieu, de cette collaboration ex-civils/policiers retraités émerge certains enjeux relationnels. Notamment, les ex-civils sont considérés comme « autres » par certains de leurs collègues policiers retraités, ce qui créé des tensions au sein de l’organisation et un sentiment d’exclusion chez les ex-civils. Semblablement, ces derniers font face à des défis supplémentaires en ce qui concerne l’établissement de leur légitimité auprès des policiers impliqués et témoins rencontrés lors de leurs enquêtes. De leur côté, les policiers retraités peuvent éprouver des difficultés à créer des liens avec les civils impliqués dans une enquête du BEI (ou leur famille endeuillée, advenant leur décès), particulièrement lorsque ces civils ont des expériences passées négatives avec la police. Considérant son impact sur la réalité policière, plus d’études devraient s’attarder aux instances de surveillance policières telles que le BEI, et à l’intégration d’ex-civils à titre d’enquêteur parmi l’appareil policier. / The present study aims to expand on the meagre existing literature on the Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes (BEI) and the integration of civilian investigators within police organizations. Specifically, this study was completed with the intention of highlighting the challenges and issues that ex-civilian investigators may face in their collaboration with retired police officers within the BEI. To achieve this, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 22 BEI investigators, including 14 former civilians and 8 retired police officers. The analysis of the data revealed challenges and issues that can be divided into two broad categories: expertise and relationships. Firstly, the ex-civilians lack of expertise in criminal investigations leads to challenges related to their training which is provided by the National Police Academy (ENPQ), their advancement to management positions, and the distribution of important cases and tasks. Secondly, several investigators highlight the presence of relational issues, with former civilians facing a prevailing police culture characterized by tendencies of exclusion, both within and outside the organization. In particular, ex-civilians are considered as “others” by some of their retired police colleagues, which creates tensions within the organization and a feeling of exclusion among ex civilians. Similarly, the latter face additional challenges in establishing their legitimacy with the police officers encoutered during their investigations. For their part, retired police officers may find it difficult to bond with civilians involved in an BEI investigation (or their bereaved families, in the event of their death), particularly when these civilians have had negative past experiences with the police. Considering its impact on the police reality, further studies should focus on police oversight bodies such as the BEI and the integration of former civilians as investigators within the police apparatus.

No description available.