The Vhavenḓa are a conservative society and although they admire and follow other people’s cultures, they do not do this at the expense of their own traditions. Most Vhavenḓa are found in the far north of South Africa. The second largest group of Vhavenḓa is found in Gauteng Province. Vhavenḓa first met with the Europeans in the 19th century. The greatest influence on Tshivenḓa culture was brought about by the missionaries, who came with the aim of colonizing Africa and discouraging Africans from following their own culture and traditions, which the missionaries regarded as paganism. They forced Africans to change their African personal names and replace them with European ones, especially if they wanted to attend mission schools or when they sought employment. Traditionally, Tshivenḓa personal names were chosen by the male grandparent or another senior male person, or the role was played by the father of the child. The mother of the child did not have any say in the selection or bestowal of a personal name (Herbert, 1986; Moyo, 1996; Nkumane, 1999; Ndimande, 1998). Whenever Africans choose a personal name, it bears a particular meaning or it is the name of a deceased member of the family (Raper, 1983; Stayt, 1931; Thipa, 1986; Yanga, 1978). They do this in order to pacify the deceased. Africans believe that there are always connections between the living and the dead and that the dead have great influence on the lives of the living. Vhavenḓa practice teknonymy. The parents and the grandparents are addressed by the personal names of their children and grandchildren respectively. The name that is commonly used in this instance is the name of the firstborn. It happens that at times the personal names of the parents and grandparents are never used: some members of the community might never know these people by their real names (Arensen, 1988; Thipa, 1987). African personal names should all have meanings. They are used as a short history of the family or the community. Whenever personal names are used in communication, friction between people is minimized. Morphologically, Tshivenḓa personal names are derived from various Tshivenḓa word categories. They are formed using different morphemes that are available in the language. These morphemes assign meaning to the personal name. / African languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African languages)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines data from advice-giving in Tshivenda relating to pragmatic theorist's argument that every human interaction, to a large extent carries with it an element of threatening to one or both participant's face. The speech act of politeness has been identified as one of the most effective speech acts to be employed in giving as well as soliciting advice. Every speech acts is influenced by contextual, cultural and many other background factors associated to age, gender and rank which contribute towards how a speech is composed. The issues relating to the theory of politeness prompted this study on the extent to which politeness plays a role in giving advice in an educational context of Tshivenda speaking learners. The study has employed Brown and Levinson's theory of politeness as a universal phenomenon against the findings of my data, in that universality of these theorists does not quite fit with this study. In this study, politeness in Tshivenda school context has demonstrated that it has been employed as a strategy for encoding distance between speaker and the solicitor. The purpose of advising teachers and students through politeness behavior is to mitigate face and to create a favourable context anticipated by the solicitor. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek data van adviesgewing in Tshivenda in verband tot die pragmatiekteoretikus se argument dat elke menslike interaksie tot 'n groot mate daarmee saamdra 'n element van bedreiging vir een of beide deelnemers se gesig ('face'). Die spraakhandeling van beleefdheid is geïdentifiseer as een van die mees effektiewe spraakhandelinge wat gebruik word in die gee en vra van advies. Elke spraakhandeling word beïnvloed deur kontekstuele kulturele en talle ander agtergrondfaktore wat verband hou met ouderdom, gender, en rang, wat bydra tot die kernposisie van die spraakhandeling. Die vraagstukke rakende die teorie van beleefdheid het hierdie studie gemotiveer, wat handelaar die mate waartoe beleefdheid 'n rol speel in adviesgewing in Tshivenda in opvoedkundige kontekste deur leerders. Die studie het Brown en Levinson se teorie van beleefdheid aangewend en geevalueer teenoor die bevindinge van die data van Tshivenda. Daar is bevind dat die universaliteits-aansprake van Brown en Levinson nie volledig strook met die data uit Tshivenda nie. In hierdie studie, het beleefdheid in Tshivenda in skoolkontekste gedemonstreer dat dit ingespan word om afstand te kodeer tussen spreker en hoorder. Die doel van adviesgewing aan onderwysers en leerders deur beleefdheidsgedrag is om gesig te verminder en om 'n gunstige konteks te skep, soos geantisipeer deur die adviesvraer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: An apology in Tshivenda is offered when an individual has violated a social norm or want to restore any form of a complainable. When it is given, it serves as a remedial work, designed to smooth over any social disruption that was caused. Sometimes a person who is suppose to apologize may find reasons to minimize the degree of the offence. If the offence in question is big, a verbal apology may be insufficient to restore the damaged relationship. Male and female learners commit a lot of offences towards each other at school and they are obliged to apologize for such offences. In the process of apologizing, they are faced with a wide choice of strategies to choose from. In most cases, male learners have a tendency of giving an explanation to their offences. They do not always seek for a direct apology. Inthe acceptance of their offences, they opt for longer strategies to apologize. Males seem to be either proud or shy to ask for an apology from females. Female learners on the other hand, do not want to use longer strategies to apologize, but they ask for forgiveness immediately. It is not all the males who do not want to apologize directly to females, but there are others who apologize directly. They are the ones who take females as their equals and they also want to maintain a good relationship with them. The same applies with females, a minimal number of them use longer strategies to apologize. They do not use direct strategies. There are other strategies also useful in Tshivenda male and female learners, but their use is not so popular. Strategies like explicit acceptance of the blame and expression of self-deficiency are considered the least of other ones. An apology is usually influenced by the way the complainant shows his or her dissatisfaction. Male and female learners also differ with the way they complain. They use complaint strategies differently. Both male and female learners use direct accusation and indirect accusation extensively. But the difference comes by the fact that females are longer with their complaints than males. Females show their annoyance by involving more complaint strategies. Males do not take long to complain, they involve only a few strategies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Verskoning in Tshivenda word aangebied in geval waar 'n individu 'n sosiale reeloortree het. Wanneer dit aangebied word, dien dit as 'n remedie ontwerp om die sosiale onderbreking wat ontstaan het reg te siel. Soms sal die persoon wat veronderstel is om 'n verskoning aan te bied redes vind om die graad van die sosiale oortreding te probeer verminder. ln geval waar die oortreding as baie groot beskou word waar' n mondelingse verskoning nie genoegsaam wees om die verhouding weer te herstel nie. Manne en vrou skoliere behaan heelwat sosiale oortreding teenoor mekaar by die skool en is oorplig om verskoning aan te bied vir sulke oortredings. Tydens die proses van verskoning aanbied word die skoliere gekonfronteer met verskeie opsies om van te kies. Manlike skoliere het die manier om verkonings en verduidelikings te gee vir hulle oortredings. Hulle sal nie 'n direkte apologie aanbied nie. lndien hulle aanvaar dat hulle verkeerd was, sal hul die opsie om hulle verduidelikings te gee as strategie gebruik. Manspersone bly te trots en skaam te wees om 'n apologie te vra van dames. Dames weer vra makliker en direk om verskoning. Hierdie beginstel van om verskoning vra geld nie ten opsigte van alle skoliere nie. Sommiges sal direk apologie aanbied. Ander aanvaar vroulike skoliere as hul gelykes en probeer om 'n gesonde verhouding te handhaf Dieselfde beginsel geld tot vroulike skoliere van hulle sal lang verduidelikings aanbied as 'n strategie deur om verskoning te vra: Hulle vra nie direk om verskoning nie. Daar is ook ander strategiee in gebruiklike in Tshivenda deur manlik sowel as vroulike skoliere, maar is nie populer in gebruik nie. Strategiee soos die duidelike aanvaarding van skuld en die uitdrukking van selfbeskulding word beskou as die minste gebruiklike opsie. 'n Verskoning word beinvloed deur die manier waarop die klaer sy ofhaar misnoe wys of uitspreek. Manlike sowel as vroulike leerders versoek ook in metodiek hoe hulle kla. Hulle maak gebruik van 'n kla strategie wat verskillend is van mekaar. Beide geslagte maak gebruik van direk sowel as indirek beskuldigings. Die verskil egter is by vroulik klaers aangesien hul klagte langer duur as hul manlike ewe nie. Vroulike klaers wys hul woede of ongelukkigheid deur meer klagte strategie te betree. Mans daarom teen neem nie lang om te kla nie en behels net a paar strategiee.

Thesis (DLitt (African Languages))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Specific deceptive messages in Tshivenda were collected and subsequently analysed according to a methodology which is regularly used in deceptive message production. Forty deceptive messages were randomly collected from the following persons: teenage males and females and adult males and females. The main findings of the study can be summarized as follows: The respondents gave nine categories of reasons for their deceptive messages. The person involved in these deceptions are the deceivers (six categories of people) and the persons who have been deceived (seven categories of people). Extensive arguments have been utilized to strengthen the deceptive messages i.e. a total of 225 arguments. Various cues to deception have been extensively used i.e. 12 cues to deception which have been used 252 times. The four groups of people above have used these cues almost equally i.e. 61-65 cues per group. Cultural issues within deception have been given attention and nine different cultural issues have been found which have been used 46 times. The success rate of deception is not equal between the groups. The two female groups have a success rate of 75% while the male groups have a success rate of only 35%. Various other issues within message production in general have also received attention, i.e. plans which have been made to deceive as well as the complexity, type and quality of the plans. The action in deception has also been given attention, specifically message production and emotional appeals. Of the message effects mention can be made of relational and emotional effects, competence, appropriateness and effectiveness as well as politeness. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Spesifieke misleidende of bedrieglike boodskappe in Tshivenda is bymekaar gemaak en vervolgens ontleed volgens 'n metodologie wat algemeen gebruik word In misleidende boodskappe. Veertig misleidende boodskappe is van oral versamel van die volgende persone: jeugdige mans en vrouens, en volwasse mans en vrouens, Die hoof bevindinge van die studie kan soos volg saamgevat word: Die respondente het nege kategorieë van redes gegee vir hulle misleidende boodskappe. Die persone betrokke in hierdie misleidings is die misleier of bedrieër (ses kategorieë van mense) en die persone wat mislei is (sewe kategorieë van mense). Heelwat argumente is gebruik om die misleidende boodskappe te versterk, d.i. 'n totaal van 225 argumente. Verskeie aanwysings vir misleiding is ekstensief gebruik, d.i. 12 aanwysings vir misleiding is 252 kere gebruik. Die vier groepe deelnemers hierbo het hierdie aanwysings omtrent ewe veel gebruik, d.i. tussen 61 - 65 aanwysings per groep. Kulturele aangeleenthede in misleiding het ook aandag gekry en nege verskillende kulturele sake is gevind in die dialoë wat altesame 46 keer gebruik is. Die sukseskoers van misleiding is nie ewe sterk tussen die groepe nie. Die twee vroulike groepe het 'n sukseskoers van 75% terwyl die manlike groepe 'n sukseskoers van slegs 35% het. Verskeie ander sake in boodskapproduksie oor die algemeen is ook onder die loep geneem w.o. planne wat gemaak is om te mislei, asook die kompleksiteit, tipe en kwaliteit van die planne. Die handeling in misleiding het ook aandag geniet, spesifiek boodskapproduksie en emosionele aangeleenthede in misleiding. Van die boodskapeffekte kan melding gemaak word van die relasionele en emosionele effekte van misleiding, kompetensie, toepasllkheid en effektiwiteit sowel as beleefdheid in misleiding.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the cognitive, conceptual, linguistic, communicative and cultural nature of metaphors in Tshivenḓa in spoken discourse within the framework of conceptual metaphor theory extended to the framework of metaphor research on language, mind and culture, developed especially in the works of Kövecses (1999, 2000a,b, 2002, 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2011a,b). This study on metaphor in Tshivenḓa assumes an intuitive method in that the analyst identified metaphor usage in Tshivenḓa introspectively, while a more data-driven methodology is also assumed through the systematic identification of metaphors within a pre-determined set of lexical-semantic items and the conceptual mappings of selected metaphors from previous metaphor research. The study systematically identifies metaphors in spoken communication in Tshivenḓa by considering the occurrence of the following types of nouns as source and/or target: (i) natural objects and phenomena, (ii) human beings, (iii) animals, (iv) body shape and colour, (v) body parts, (vi) medicine, (vii) diseases, (viii) food-related nouns, (ix) artifacts and possessions, (x) emotions, (xi) character traits and virtues, (xii) religious terms. The study gives evidence of the striking nature of metaphors as cultural products or constructs in the interpretations evoked by the source domain nouns and the cross-domain mappings posited for the source and target, thereby providing compelling evidence that metaphor research needs to take into account the cognitive, linguistic, communicative and cultural nature of metaphor usage. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie doen ‘n ondersoek van die kognitiewe, konseptuele, linguistiese, kommunikatiewe en kulturele aard van metafore in gesproke kommunikasie in Tsivenḓa binne die breë raamwerk van konseptuele metafoorteorie soos uitgebrei na die raamwerk van metafoornavorsing oor taal, denke en kultuur, soos veral ontwikkel in die werk van Kövecses (1999, 2000a,b, 2000, 2005, 2006, 2007 en 2011a,b). Die studie aanvaar ‘n intuïtiewe ondersoekmetode in die sin dat die navorser metafoorgebruik in Tshivenḓa introspektief geïdentifiseer het, terwyl ‘n meer data-gedrewe metodologie terselfdertyd ook aanvaar is deur die sistematiese identifisering van metafore binne ‘n voorafbepaalde stel leksikaal-semantiese items asook deur die konseptuele karterings van geselekteerde metafore vanuit vorige metafoornavorsing. Die studie identifiseer op sistematiese wyse in Tshivenḓa gesproke kommunikasie die volgende semantiese tipes naamwoorde as bron of teiken in die metafoor: (i) natuurlike objekte en verskynsels, (ii) mense, (iii) diere, (iv) liggaamsvorme en kleur, (v) liggaamsdele, (vi) medisyne, (vii) siektes, (viii) voedsel-naamwoorde, (ix) artifakte en besittings, (x) emosies, (xi) karakter kenmerke en attribute, en (xii) religieuse terme. Die studie bied evidensie aan die treffende aard van metafore as kulturele produkte of konstrukte in die interpretasies opgeroep deur die bron-domein naamwoorde en die kruis-domein karterings gepostuleer vir die bron en die teiken, en bied daardeur oortuigende bewyse dat metafoornavorsing die kognitiewe, linguistiese, kommunikatiewe en kulturele aard van metafoorgebruik in aanmerking moet neem.

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of the North, 2002 / Refer to document

Thesis (Ph.D.(African Languages)) -- University of the North, 1972 / Refer to the document

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2014 / Refer to the document

Thesis (M.A. (African Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2012 / Refer to the document

Thesis (Ph.D. (Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2008 / This thesis endevours to examine the effectiveness of the implementation of the language policy of South Africa as enshrined in the Constitution of South Africa (1996) with special reference to Tshivenda. It is for this reason that an effort has been exerted to analyse the application of the aforementioned language policy pertaining to Tshivenda in areas such as social life, education and the business world. The study argues that as one of the eleven (11) official languages of South Africa Tshivenda deserves to be treated with the respect that it deserves. The study has clearly shown that Tshivenda is currently not fully enjoying the status that is accorded to it by the Constitution of South Africa (1996) because of multifold factors and reasons. One of these is that the business world does not derive much profit from the use of Tshivenda as it is seen as a minority language. In addition, the study has discovered that there are problems associated with translation as most of the time the translation is of a poor standard. It is thus crucial that translation must be conducted by people who have undergone professional training. Furthermore, a major stumbling block with regard to the use of Tshivenda in South Africa is the prevailing negative attitude that speakers of African languages harbour towards African languages in general. This does not come as a surprise as many African people still look down upon their languages as they are mostly regarded as backward and unsophisticated. This is why English is still dominant in many areas as people view it as a passport to green pastures. The study has indicated that the Constitution of South Africa (1996) clearly stipulates that all official languages should be used in all spheres of life where it is practicable. This implies, among others, the right of learners to be taught in their mother tongue. Although a large number of respondents are of the view that the use of English should not be tampered with, it is heartening to deduce that some people are now supporting the idea that Tshivenda should be used in all official communication. Finally, the study recommends the use of Tshivenda in social, educational and economic settings as this will indeed be a proof that Tshivenda-speaking people are also enjoying the fruits of the new democratic dispensation in South Africa.