Os primeiros anos do século XXI trouxeram uma nova configuração para a América Latina. Políticos de esquerda ascenderam ao poder e, ancorados em uma retórica que indicava rompimento com o modelo neoliberal vigente em décadas anteriores, priorizaram em seus planos de governo uma agenda voltada para direitos sociais, como educação e saúde. Com o objetivo de reduzir a desigualdade que assolava o continente, governos como os de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela, Evo Morales na Bolívia e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva no Brasil ampliaram e criaram programas sociais em diversas áreas. Uma vez que tais políticas tiveram êxito dentro de casa, passaram a ser vistas como um ativo a ser explorado na pauta de política externa e nas relações com seus vizinhos. Ao transpor elementos domésticos para a seara exterior, esses países confirmavam a sua legitimidade dentro e fora de casa, percebendo, assim, a tecnologia social como um meio de fazer influência, se fazer presente em outros países e também como um elemento importante em troca de apoio econômico ou mesmo político, dentro e fora de acordos de cooperação. Um dos principais exemplos desse tipo de cooperação internacional envolvendo política social pode ser ilustrado com o fornecimento de médicos cubanos para atuar em redes de saúde pública de outros países. Com prévia experiência em missões no exterior, Cuba forneceu profissionais de saúde para programas sociais na Venezuela, Bolívia e Brasil, que buscaram com eles suprir a carência de médicos em periferias urbanas e áreas de vulnerabilidade, aumentando o foco dado à atenção básica na saúde. Esse elemento (médicos cubanos em sistemas de saúde de outros países) é uma característica quer perpassa as três experiências e indica uma mudança conjuntural na região. Afinal, a carência de médicos em áreas vulneráveis não é algo novo. O que mostra a opção por importar tais profissionais como uma escolha mais ampla do que uma simples solução para sanar um problema pode ser, em boa parte, explicado pelo caráter ideológico que as relações entre esses países mostra carregar, indo além das motivações geográficas. Ao incluir o tema social na agenda de política externa, esses países passam a protagonizar um tipo de integração particular, denominado regionalismo. Este leva em conta elementos sociais e políticos, e não apenas aspectos econômicos e militares, tradicionalmente priorizados em outros modelos. Ainda que tal mecanismo esteja em desenvolvimento, este estudo mostra de que maneira a política social passou a ser pensada como instrumento de política externa especialmente em programas da Venezuela, da Bolívia e do Brasil. / The early years of the twenty-first century brought a new configuration for Latin America. Leftist politicians came to power and, anchored in a rhetoric indicating a rupture with the previous decades neoliberal model, prioritized an agenda focused on social rights such as education and health care. Aiming to reduce the profound inequality that has plagued the continent, governments like Hugo Chávezs in Venezuela, Evo Moraless in Bolivia and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silvas in Brazil expanded and created social programs in several areas. Since such policies were successful at home, they also came to be seen as an asset to be exploited in the foreign policy agenda and in relations with neighboring countries. In transposing some domestic elements to the foreign arena, these governments shored up their legitimacy inside and outside their own countries, and thus came to see social technology as a tool of influence, a means to assert a presence in other countries and an important element to exchange for economic or political support, inside and outside of cooperation agreements. A prime example of this type of international cooperation is the supply of Cuban doctors to work in public health networks in other countries. With prior experience in missions abroad due to natural disasters, Cuba has provided health care professionals to social programs in Venezuela, Bolivia and Brazil, whose governments sought to alleviate the shortage of doctors in underserved areas and increase the focus given to primary care. This element (Cuban doctors working in public health networks in other countries) appears in all three cases and indicates a significant change in the region. After all, the shortage of health workers in vulnerable areas is not new. It shows that the option of importing these professionals is more than a simple solution to a problem, and can be largely explained by ideological relations between these countries, going beyond geographical reasons. By including social issues in the foreign policy agenda, these countries demonstrate a particular type of integration, called regionalism, which takes into account social, cultural and political elements, not just the economic and military aspects traditionally prioritized in existing models. Although the model is still in development, this study shows how social policy is conceived as an instrument of foreign policy especially in health programs in Venezuela, Bolivia and Brazil.

O objetivo desta tese é avaliar a contribuição do petróleo no desenvolvimento econômico da Venezuela, entre 1950/2006. Investiga-se por que uma economia rica em petróleo ainda não conseguiu industrializar-se. Seguindo os diferentes períodos governamentais, examinam-se a contribuição das políticas macroeconômicas sobre o desenvolvimento e a questão da doença holandesa e do capitalismo rentístico. Segundo a teoria da base econômica, as regiões crescem em torno de uma base exportadora, exercendo efeitos de encadeamento sobre o setor de mercado interno. A exportação de petróleo impulsiona a economia venezuelana ao comprar insumos e gerar rendas. A intervenção do governo transformou a Venezuela em um dos maiores exportadores de petróleo, cabendo à estatal PDVSA a extração, refino e exportação de petróleo. Contudo, o desenvolvimento da indústria venezuelana ficou prejudicado pelo capitalismo rentístico, paternalismo e populismos governamentais. A renda petrolífera acomodou as classes dirigentes e inibiu a formação do empresariado. Já a doença holandesa parece descartada pela tendência à desvalorização cambial e pela relação positiva entre crescimento das exportações e crescimento do PIB. Reduções dos preços internacionais do petróleo, evasão de divisas, inflação e aumento da dívida pública, entre outros problemas, dificultavam as finanças públicas e o desenvolvimento econômico do país. Ao longo do tempo, a Venezuela deixou de investir em projetos de desenvolvimento. Nos últimos anos, sobretudo, o governo tem priorizado os gastos sociais, em detrimento de investimentos produtivos. Os indicadores sociais mostraram melhorias após 2004, mas o crescimento econômico baseia-se no consumo, gerando pressões inflacionárias. Crises internacionais poderão comprometer o desenvolvimento econômico. Sugerem-se políticas de diversificação produtiva: alimentos e matérias-primas (agroindústrias, petroquímicos), diversificação das exportações, investimentos em ferrovias, portos mais ágeis e de menor custo, saneamento básico, agricultura irrigada, construção civil, educação técnica, saúde, previdência social e segurança pública. / The aim of this thesis is to assess the contribution of oil to the economic development of Venezuela between 1950/2006. We try to understand why an oil-rich economy failed to industrialize itself. Following the different periods of government, we examine the contribution of macroeconomic policies to the development of Venezuela and the issues of Dutch disease and rentístico capitalism. According to basic economic theory, regions grow around an export base creating chaining effects throughout the domestic market. In the case of Venezuela oil industrial drives the economy through inputs acquisition and incomes generation. The intervention of the Venezuelan government turned in one of the world s largest exporters of oil, leaving to state owned PDVSA the extraction, refining and export of oil the country. However the industry's development was hampered by the Venezuelan rentístico capitalism, government paternalism and populism. The oil income accommodated the ruling classes and inhibited the formation of entrepreneurial class. On the other hand we can shrug off the Dutch disease hipothesis due to observed currency devaluation and positive relationship between growth in exports and GDP growth. Finally, international oil prices, reductions foreign exchange evasions, inflation and increasing public debt, among other problems, hindered public finances and economic development in the country. Over time, Venezuela has ceased to invest in development projects. In recent years, particularly, the government has prioritized social spending rather than engaging in productive investments. Social indicators have shown improvements after 2004, but economic growth is based on consumption, generating inflationary pressures. International crises can undermine economic development. We suggest some policy diversification: food and raw materials (agribusiness, petrochemicals), exports diversification, investments in railroads, more efficient ports, sanitation, irrigated agriculture, construction, technical education, health, social welfare and public safety.

Literaturbericht<br><br> Rezensierte Literatur:<br><br> Nikolaus Werz: Lateinamerika. Eine Einführung, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2005, 400 S., ISBN 3-8329-1068-9<br> <br> Klaus Bodemer/Detlef Nolte/Hartmut Sangmeister (Hrsg.): Lateinamerika Jahrbuch 2004, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 385 S., ISBN 3-86527-123-5<br> <br> Peter Imbusch/Dirk Messner/Detlef Nolte (Hrsg.): Chile heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 957 S., ISBN 3-89354-590-5<br> <br> Walther L. Bernecker/Marianne Braig/Karl Hölz/Klaus Zimmermann (Hrsg.): Mexiko heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 3. vollständig neu bearbeitete Auflage, 826 S., ISBN 3-86527-140-5<br> <br> Rafael Sevilla/Andreas Boeckh (Hrsg.): Venezuela – die Bolivarische Republik, Horlemann, Bad Honnef 2005, 322 S., ISBN 3-89502-197-0

Rezensierte Literatur: Hans-Jürgen Burchardt: Zeitenwende. Politik nach dem Neoliberalismus, Schmetterling Verlag, Stuttgart 2004, 320 S., ISBN 3-8965-7610-0 Olaf Kaltmeier/Jens Kastner/Elisabeth Tuider (Hrsg.): Neoliberalismus – Autonomie – Widerstand. Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika, Westfälisches Dampfboot, Münster 2004, 278 S., ISBN 3-896-1578-9 Oliver Diehl/Wolfgang Muno (Hrsg.): Venezuela unter Chávez – Aufbruch oder Niedergang?, Vervuert Verlagsgesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main 2005, 176 S., ISBN 3-86527-180-4 Mahler, Claudia / Norman Weiß (Hrsg.): Menschenrechtsschutz im Spiegel von Wissenschaft und Praxis, Berliner Wissenschafts- Verlag, Berlin 2004, 373 S., ISBN 3-8305-0581-7 Christoph Rohde: Hans J. Morgenthau und der weltpolitische Realismus, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, 387 S., ISBN 3-531- 14161-9 Heiko Borchert (Hrsg.): Vernetzte Sicherheit. Leitidee der Sicherheitspolitik im 21. Jahrhundert Vernetzte Sicherheit; Bd. 1, Verlag E.S. Mittler & Sohn, Hamburg, Berlin, Bonn 2004, 84 S., ISBN 3-8132-0824-9 Francis Fukuyama: Staaten bauen. Die neue Herausforderung internationaler Politik, Propyläen Verlag, Berlin 2004, 191 S., ISBN 3-549-07233-3 Clyde Prestowitz: Schurkenstaat – Wohin steuert Amerika? Artemis & Winkler Verlag, Düsseldorf, Zürich (2004), 368 S., ISBN 3-538-07181-0 Claus Neukirch: Konfliktmanagement und Konfliktprävention im Rahmen von OSZE-Langzeitmissionen. Eine Analyse der Missionen in Moldau und Estland, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2003, 333 S., ISBN 3- 8329-0033-0 Patricia Bauer/Helmut Voelzkow (Hrsg.): Die Europäische Union – Marionette oder Regisseur? Festschrift für Ingeborg Tömmel, Forschungen zur Europäischen Integration, Bd. 10, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, 362 S., ISBN 3-531- 14430-8 Mateusz Falkowski/Kai-Olaf Lang: Wspólne zadanie. Polska, Niemcy i Ukraina w przeobrazajacej sie Europie (Gemeinsame Aufgabe. Deutschland, Polen und die Ukraine im sich wandelnden Europa), Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2004, 152 S., ISBN 83-88594-74-5 Carlos Closa/Paul M. Heywood: Spain and the European Union, Palgrave Macmillan, Houndmills New York 2004, 274 S., ISBN 0-333-75339-9 Wolfgang G. Schwanitz (Hrsg.): Deutschland und der Mittlere Osten, Comparativ, Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung, Jg. 14, Heft 1, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Leipzig 2004, 186 S., ISBN 3-937209-48-4 Annotationen: Franz Ansprenger, Wie unsere Zukunft entstand. Ein kritischer Leitfaden zur internationalen Politik, Reihe Politik und Bildung Band 34, 3. vollständig überarbeitete und ergänzte Auflage, Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach am Taunus 2005, 360 S., ISBN 3-89974- 084-X Norbert Mappes-Niediek: Balkan-Mafia. Staaten in der Hand des Verbrechens – Eine Gefahr für Europa, Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin 2003, 216 S., ISBN 3-86153-313-8 Christine Normann: Polens Rolle in der Verfassungsdebatte, Region – Nation – Europa 28, LIT Verlag, Münster 2005, 184 S., ISBN 3-8258-8468-6 Andreas Umland (Hrsg.): The Implementation of the European Convention on Human Rights in Russia. Philosophical, Legal and Empirical Studies, ibidem Verlag, Stuttgart 2004, 224 S., ISBN 3-8982-1387-0 Dorothea Topf: Auslandsberichterstattung im öffentlich-rechtlichen Fernsehen – Das Bild der „Dritten Welt“, Verlag Dr. H.H. Driesen, Taunusstein 2003, 159 S., ISBN 3-936328-08-8

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On December 15, 1999, the people of Venezuela approved a new Constitution, which is the first Venezuelan constitution to entrench the rights of indigenous peoples. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the different theoretical issues raised by the problem of rights for indigenous peoples. It is argued that indigenous rights are collective rights based on the value of cultural membership. This implies both an investigation of the value of cultural membership and of the criticisms that the multicultural perspective has offered against that point of view. / Indigenous peoples have the moral right to preserve their cultures and traditions. It is submitted that indigenous peoples have a double moral standing to claim differential treatment based on cultural membership, because they constitute cultural minorities and they were conquered and did not lend their free acceptance to the new regime imposed upon them. Therefore, they constitute a national minority, with moral standing to claim self-government and cultural rights.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The adoption of a new constitution, the changes in legislation, and the well-known shift in policies and State practices introduced by the Chavez administration, are some of the factors that persuaded me to examine not only the legal protection but the actual exercise of internationally recognized core labour standards in Venezuela, notably freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining, the elimination of forced labour, the abolition of child labour and the elimination of discrimination at work. / Given the structure and nature of the ILO, its mechanisms of enforcement are limited. Despite the successful ILO objective of promoting compliance with workers' rights, certain Member States like the Government of Venezuela, continue to violate labour rights. This situation requires the search for alternatives. / The idea that inspired this paper was an attempt to look for alternatives in regionalism. The hypothesis is that a sub-regional approach through the Andean Community, comprising Andean countries, offers a more effective means to protect labour rights in Venezuela than an international approach through the ILO. However, the solution points more to a joint international-regional approach to better ensure workers' rights in Venezuela and the Andean region.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. / Text in Spanish; abstract in English and Spanish. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-185). Print copy also available.